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FBOFEBSOB  OF  RHETORIC  AND  ENGLISH  COMPOSITION  IN  COLDKBIA.  COU,SQB 


THOMAS  DE  QUINCEY 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 


LOFGMAINS'  EI^GLISH  CLASSICS 

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Scott'b  Ivanhoi.  Edited  by  Bliss  Perry, 
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Macaiji-at's  Essay  on  Muton.  Edited  by 
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Cabltle's  Essay  ok  BtmNs.  Edited  by 
"Wilson  Farrand,  A.M.,  Associate  Princi- 
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De  QtrmcEY's  Flioht  of  a  Tabtar  Tbibe 
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Maoahlay's  Ebsats  on  Milton  and  Addison.    Edited,  with  Notes  and  an  Introduction,  by 
James  Ureenleaf  Croswell,  A.B.,  Head  Master  ofthe  Brearley  School,  New  York  Oily. 


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Bity,  and  Notes  by  William  Lyon  Phelps, 
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Dbtden's  Palamon  and  Abcite.  Edited 
bv  William  T.  Brewster,  A.M.,  Tutor  in 
Rhetoric  In  Columbia  University. 

Dbfob'b  Hibtoby  ofthe  Plague  in  London. 
Edited  by  Professor  G.  R.  Carpenter,  of 
Columbia  University. 

The  Sib  Rooeb  ke  Coteeley  Papebs,  from 
"The  Spectator."  Edited  by  D.  O.  S. 
Lowell, A.  M.,of  the  Roxbury  Latin  School, 
Rozbury,  Mass. 

Goldsmith's  The  Vioab  of  Wakefield. 
Edited  l>y  Mary  A.  Jordan,  A.M.,  Pro- 
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Bubke's  Speech  on  Conciliation  with 
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THOMAS  DE  QUINCEY 


Congmans'  (gngliel)  dTlassicg 


DE  QUINCEY'S 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 


EDITED 

WITH  NOTES  AND  AN  INTRODUCTION 


CHARLES  SEARS  BALDWIN,  Ph.D. 

INSTRUCTOR  IN  RHETORIC  IN  TALB  UNIVERSITY 


NEW  YORK 
LONGMANS,  GREEN,  AND  CO. 

LONDON  AND  BOMBAY 
1899 


COFTRIGHT,  1896 
BY 

LONGMANS,  GKEEN,  AND  CO, 


All  rights  reserved 


First  Editiok,  Skptembkr,  1896 

Ekprinted,  October  and  November,  1897 

February,  Mat  and  November,  1898 

July,  1899. 


Press  of  J.  J.  Little  &  Co. 
Astor  Place,  New  York 


PREFACE 

The  "  Revolt  of  the  Tartars  "  is  essentially  like  "  The 
English  Mail  Coach."  Both  start  from  fact,  both  move 
in  dreamland.  In  order  to  make  this  plain,  De  Quincey's 
choice  and  use  of  material  are  carefully  displayed.  To 
obtrude  this  historical  matter  would  have  been  prejudicial 
to  more  strictly  literary  interest ;  to  omit  it,  prejudicial 
to  any  just  estimate  of  the  work  and  the  author.  The 
appendices,  therefore,  show,  so  far  as  was  proper  within 
the  scope  of  this  volume,  the  basis  of  those  judgments  in 
the  introduction  and  the  notes  which  do  not  accord  with 
common  fame.  Erudition  is  sometimes  proclaimed  among 
De  Quincey's  merits.  A  careful  examination  of  this  piece, 
in  its  revelation  of  certain  habits,  impairs  this  claim.  If 
many  other  pieces  of  De  Quincey's  now  reckoned  as  his- 
torical were  subjected  to  the  same  scrutiny,  perhaps  there 
would  be  less  said  of  his  erudition,  and  so  of  his  versa- 
tility. 

But  why  should  criticism  of  literature  be  concerned 
with  erudition,  or,  for  that  matter,  with  versatility  ?  If 
a  man  does  well  his  kind  of  writing,  that  is  enough.  The 
student  of  this  volume  is  not  asked  to  admire  either  a  foot- 
note erudition  or  a  versatility  that  consists  in  the  jour- 
nalist's variety  of  topics.  The  critical  apparatus  seeks  to 
concentrate  his  attention  upon  De  Quincey's  high  imagi- 
nation and  the  range  and  finish  of  his  expression. 

Mere  information  necessarily  occupies  a  great  deal  of 
space  when  the  subject  is  so  far  out  of  the  common  as  the 
migration  of  the  Torguts.     But  wherever  the  equipment 


Yi  PREFACE 

of  the  average  school  could  be  trusted,  the  student  has 
been  directed,  not  informed.  In  criticism,  too,  the  editor 
has  tried  to  direct  and  stimulate  rather  than  to  dogmatize. 
Where  everything  is  supplied  ready-made,  even  to  con- 
venient labels  of  characterization,  the  appeal  is  only  to 
memory.  No  student  is  less  amenable  to  education  than 
he  who  knows  his  English  literature  thoroughly  at  second 
hand. 

The  text  here  printed  is  that  of  Hogg's  collective  edi- 
tion (Edinburgh,  1853-1860),  which  was  prepared  by  the 
author.  The  text  of  the  new  Edinburgh  collective  edition 
(Adam  and  Charles  Black),  edited  by  Professor  Masson, 
has  been  carefully  collated  and  some  of  the  emendations 
in  punctuation  adopted.  The  text  of  the  original  Black- 
wood article  (1837)  differs  here  and  there  in  phrase,  no- 
where in  substance.  All  notes  except  De  Quincey's  are 
relegated  to  the  end  of  the  book.  The  arrangement  of 
the  critical  apparatus  being  throughout  such  as  to  facili- 
tate questioning,  the  usual  specimen  examination  papers 
seemed  unnecessary. 

The  editor  returns  thanks  for  assistance  to  Dr.  Nelson 
Glenn  McCrea  of  Columbia  University,  and  to  Mr.  Fred- 
erick Wells  Williams  of  Yale  University ;  for  the  loan  of 
Bergmann's  book,  to  the  library  of  Harvard  University. 

0.  S.  B. 

Yale  University,  August,  1896. 


CONTENTS 

IirrBODUCTiON : 

PA6X 

L  Biographical  Sketch  of  De  Quincey    .        .        .        ,  ix 
II.  The  Revolt  of  the  Tartars  : 

A.  The  Kalmucks xxv 

B.  The  Revolt xxix 

C.  De  Quincey's  Narrative  (in  General)     .        .        .  xxxi 

D.  De  Quincey's  Narrative  (in  Detail)         .        .        .  xzxii 
Suggestions  fob  Teachers xxzix 

CHRONOLOQICAIi  TABLE xM 

Revolt  of  the  Tabtabs 1 

Notes 68 

Appendix  A : 

Books  bearing  npon  the  Kalmucks  and  their  Revolt         .        86 
Appendix  B: 

Selections  from  the  Inscription  of  the  Emperor  Kien 

Long,  translated  into  French  by  Father  Amiot  .        87 

Appendix  C: 

Relations  of  De  Quincey's  Narrative  to  Bergmann's         .        90 


INTRODUCTION 

I.  Biographical  Sketch  of  De  Quincey. 

The  long  life  of  the  "English  Opium-Eater"  (1785- 
1859)  almost  covered  the  history  of  our  country  from  the 
Kevolution  to  the  Civil  War.  But  he  is  to  be  thought  of 
as  belonging  to  the  literary  movement  of  the  early  part 
of  the  century,  to  the  time  of  his  boyish  idol,  Wordsworth, 
rather  than  to  the  time  of  his  later  and  younger  friend 
Carlyle;  to  the  time  of  Irving  rather  than  to  the  time  of 
Emerson.  His  father  was  a  Manchester  merchant  of  liter- 
ary tastes,  who  died  early,  leaving  to  his  wife  and  six  surviv- 
ing children  an  income  of  about  eight  thousand  dollars  a 
year.  The  boy  Thomas,  brought  up  among  girls  and  women, 
was  thoughtful  and  imaginative.  "From  my  birth,"  he 
says,  **  I  was  made  an  intellectual  creature,  and  intellectual 
in  the  highest  sense  my  pursuits  and  pleasures  have  been 
even  from  my  schoolboy  days."  ^  Add  that  he  was  finely 
sensitive,  and  you  will  see  that  such  a  boy,  were  he  English 
or  French  or  American,  would  make  his  own  world  of 
dreams  and  live  in  that.  He  missed  the  education  of 
cricket  and  football.  No  Eton  or  Rugby  forced  him  to 
be  an  English  boy.  When  he  was  only  seven,  indeed,  his 
big  brother  William  came  home  from  school  and  put  him 
through  a  course  of  daily  brawls  with  factory  boys.  At 
length  William  was  able  to  bestow  this  faint  praise: 
"You're  honest;  you're  willing,  though  lazy;  you  would 
pull,  if  you  had  the  strength  of  a  flea;   and,  though  a 

'  Confessions. 


X  INTRODUCTION 

monstrous  coward,  you  don't  run  away."*  But  that  is 
the  only  physical  discipline  recorded  in  a  life  of  intellect- 
ual experiences. 

"  I  was  sent  to  various  schools,  great  and  small ;  and  was  very- 
early  distinguished  for  ray  classical  attainments,  especially  for  my 
knowledge  of  Greek.  At  thirteen  I  wrote  Greek  with  ease ;  and  at 
fifteen  my  command  of  that  language  was  so  great  that  I  not  only 
composed  Greek  verses  in  lyric  metres,  but  could  converse  in  Greek 
fluently,  and  without  embarrassment — an  accomplishment  which 
I  have  not  since  met  with  in  any  scholar  of  my  times,  and  which,  in 
my  case,  was  owing  to  the  practice  of  daily  reading  off  the  news- 
papers into  the  best  Greek  I  could  furnish  extempore  ;  for  the  neces- 
sity of  ransacking  my  memory  and  invention  for  all  sorts  and 
combinations  of  periphrastic  expressions,  as  equivalents  for  modem 
ideas,  images,  relations  of  things,  etc.,  gave  me  a  compass  of  diction 
which  would  never  have  been  called  out  by  a  dull  translation  of 
moral  essays,  etc.  '  That  boy,'  said  one  of  my  masters,  pointing  the 
attention  of  a  stranger  to  me,  '  that  boy  could  harangue  an  Athe- 
nian mob  better  than  you  or  I  could  address  an  English  one.'  He 
who  honoured  me  with  this  eulogy  was  a  scholar,  '  and  a  ripe  and 
good  one  ; '  and,  of  all  my  tutors,  was  the  only  one  whom  I  loved  or 
reverenced.  Unfortunately  for  me  (and,  as  I  afterwards  learned, 
to  this  worthy  man's  great  indignation),  I  was  transferred  to  the 
care,  first  of  a  blockhead,  who  was  in  a  perpetual  panic  lest  I  should 
expose  his  ignorance  ;  and  finally,  to  that  of  a  respectable  scholar, 
at  the  head  of  a  great  school  on  an  ancient  foundation. "  ' 

Try  to  pierce  through  the  egotism  of  the  record,  which 
comes,  not  from  vulgar  vanity,  but  from  a  solitary  life,  to 
the  high  desires  and  attainments  of  this  precocious  boy. 
True,  in  his  fifteenth  year,  visiting  at  Laxton,  the  country- 
seat  of  a  family  friend.  Lady  Carbery,  he  is  found  acting 
as  literary  adviser  to  the  household;  but  to  gain  the  affec- 
tion and  admiration  of  this  versatile  woman,  till  she  was 
like  a  sister  to  him,  he  must  have  been  more  than  a  prig. 
The  same  endearing  quality  appears  in  his  visit  to  Ireland 

'  Autobiographic  Sketches,  i.  39.  '  Confessions. 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

with  a  boy  of  his  own  age,  Lord  Westport,  and  in  the  pleas- 
ure Lord  Westport's  father.  Lord  Altamont,  found  in 
talking  with  the  brilliant  boy.  This  middle-aged  Irish 
peer  even  kept  up  for  some  time  a  correspondence  with 
De  Quincey.  More  than  Greek  and  Latin,  then,  the  boy 
had  learned  at  fifteen.  Many  years  afterward  he  could 
write  on  the  Irish  rebellions  from  the  first-hand  knowl- 
edge he  had  picked  up  then  in  Ireland.  He  had  an  open 
mind.  One  thing  more.  He  had  already  discovered  Words- 
worth's '*We  are  Seven"  at  a  time  when  the  very  few 
people  who  had  heard  of  Wordsworth,  heard  only  to  laugh. 
He  had  an  independent  mind. 

The  "  great  school "  mentioned  above  was  the  Manches- 
ter Grammar  School,  which  had  been  chosen  by  his  guar- 
dians because  it  was  entitled  to  certain  scholarships  at 
Oxford.  De  Quincey  despised  the  master  and  hated  the 
school.  He  declared  that  his  health  was  being  under- 
mined for  lack  of  exercise,  that  he  was  quite  prepared  to 
go  up  to  Oxford.  The  guardians,  with  their  eyes  on  the 
scholarship,  rejected  all  appeals  for  removal.  He  asked 
Lady  Carbery  to  lend  him  five  guineas  to  help  out  the 
two  he  had  left.  She  sent  him  ten.  Then  De  Quincey 
ran  away. 

"I  waited  until  I  saw  the  trunk  placed  on  a  wheelbarrow,  and  on 
its  road  to  the  carrier's  ;  then,  '  with  Providence  my  guide,'  I  set  oflE 
on  foot,  carrjring  a  small  parcel,  with  some  articles  of  dress,  under 
my  arm  ;  a  favourite  English  poet  in  one  pocket,  and  a  small  12mo 
volume,  containing  about  nine  plays  of  Euripides,  in  the  other."  ' 

When  De  Quincey  ran  away  at  seventeen,  he  was  in 
thought  a  man.  In  practical  experience  he  was  neither 
then  nor  ever  afterward  more  than  a  child.  But  would 
Wordsworth  treat  him  as  a  man  or  as  a  runaway  school- 
boy ?    Sorrowfully  inclining  to  the  latter  view,  he  gave 

*  Confessions. 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

up  his  plan  of  going  straight  to  the  Lakes,  and  went  wan- 
dering in  Wales.  No  one  should  read  the  account  of 
these  years  of  transition  anywhere  else  than  in  De  Quin- 
cey's  own  "  Confessions."  The  mere  facts  are  compara- 
tively insignificant.  He  slept  much  out  of  doors;  he 
wrote  letters  for  bed  or  food;  he  studied  German  with  a 
chance  acquaintance;  he  finally  went  up  to  London  in  the 
hope  of  raising  money  on  his  prospects.  In  London  he 
applied  to  many  Jewish  money-lenders  in  vain.  His  money 
gone,  he  walked  the  streets,  sleeping  in  one  of  the  empty 
rooms  of  a  house  where  a  pettifogging  lawyer  carried  on 
some  obscure  and  doubtful  business.  Hunger  and  expos- 
ure undermined  his  constitution  and  gave  him  a  chronic 
malady  of  the  stomach.  None  too  soon  came  the  reconcil- 
iation with  the  guardians  from  whom  he  had  been  hiding. 
It  was  arranged  that  he  should  live  at  the  university  on 
£100  a  year. 

Nothing  in  the  whole  life  of  De  Quincey  makes  less 
impression  upon  his  readers,  or  seems  to  have  made  less 
impression  upon  himself,  than  Oxford.  He  entered 
Worcester  College,  December  17,  1803,  and  his  name 
remained  on  the  books  till  1810;  but  he  might  as  well 
have  been  reading  in  any  other  quiet  place.  He  studied 
ancient  philosophy,  German  literature,  and  metaphysics. 
He  dipped  into  Hebrew  with  a  German  named  Schwartz- 
burg;  he  was  known  to  a  few  as  brilliant  in  conversation. 
In  1808  he  left  without  a  degree ;  and  the  explanations  of 
this,  both  his  own  and  those  advanced  by  his  friends  and 
biographers,  tend  only  to  strengthen  the  impression  that 
De  Quincey  was  a  dilettante  rather  than  a  scholar.  This 
period  appears  among  his  imaginative  reminiscences  only 
in  "  The  English  Mail  Coach."  He  dreams,  not  of  the  old 
colleges,  the  gardens,  the  river,  Magdalen  tower — anything 
that  has  passed  into  the  heart  of  any  other  man  of  letters 
— but  of  the  coach  that  took  him  to  London,  of  the  "  glory 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

of  motion,"  the  "  under-sense  of  indefinite  danger,"  "  the 
conscious  presence  of  a  central  intellect  in  the  midst  of 
vast  distances."  Nothing  could  better  show  his  aloofness. 
Before  definitely  leaving  Oxford,  De  Q.uincey  had  corres- 
ponded at  some  length  with  Wordsworth,  and  had  visited 
Coleridge  and  Southey.  While  he  was  lingering  undecided 
in  London,  reading  a  little  law,  meeting  men  of  letters, 
he  began  the  systematic  use  of  opium.  One  of  his  chief 
pleasures  was  to  take  opium  before  going  to  the  opera. 

"A  chorus,  etc.,  of  elaborate  harmony  displayed  before  me,  as  in 
a  piece  of  arras  work,  the  whole  of  my  past  life — not  as  if  recalled 
by  an  act  of  memory,  but  as  if  present  and  incarnated  in  the  music; 
no  longer  painful  to  dwell  upon,  but  the  detail  of  its  incidents 
removed,  or  blended  in  some  hazy  abstraction,  and  its  passions 
exalted,  spiritualized,  and  sublimed.  All  this  was  to  be  had  for  five 
shillings.  And  over  and  above  the  music  of  the  stage  and  the  orches- 
tra, I  had  all  around  me,  in  the  intervals  of  the  performance,  the 
music  of  the  Italian  language  talked  by  Italian  women — for  the  gal- 
lery was  usually  crowded  with  Italians;  and  I  listened  with  a  pleas- 
ure such  as  that  with  which  Weld  the  traveller  lay  and  listened,  in 
Canada,  to  the  sweet  laughter  of  Indian  women ;  for  the  less  you 
understand  of  a  language,  the  more  sensible  you  are  to  the  melody 
or  harshness  of  its  sounds."  * 

Opium  was  used  also  to  heighten  the  pleasure  of  min- 
gling with  the  London  crowd  on  Saturday  night. 

•'  For  the  sake,  therefore,  of  witnessing  upon  as  large  a  scale  as 
possible  a  spectacle  with  which  my  sympathy  was  so  entire,  I  used 
often  on  Saturday  nights,  after  I  had  taken  opium,  to  wander  forth, 
without  much  regarding  the  direction  or  the  distance,  to  all  the 
markets  and  other  parts  of  London  to  which  the  poor  resort  of  a 
Saturday  night  for  laying  out  their  wages.  Many  a  family  party, 
consisting  of  a  man,  his  wife,  and  sometimes  one  or  two  of  his  chil- 
dren, have  I  listened  to,  as  they  stood  consulting  on  their  ways  and 
means,  or  the  strength  of  their  exchequer,  or  the  price  of  household 
articles."* 

'  Confessions.  *  Ibid. 


xiv  INTRODUCTION 

His  attitude  of  mind  at  tliis  time,  and,  to  some  extent, 
throughout  his  life,  appears  significantly  in  the  following : 

"I,  whose  disease  it  was  to  meditate  too  much,  and  to  observe  too 
little,  and  who,  upon  my  first  entrance  at  college,  was  nearly  falling 
into  a  deep  melancholy,  from  brooding  too  much  on  the  sufferings 
which  I  had  witnessed  in  London,  was  sufficiently  aware  of  the  ten- 
dencies of  my  own  thoughts  to  do  all  I  could  to  counteract  them.  I 
was,  indeed,  like  a  person  who,  according  to  the  old  legend,  had 
entered  the  cave  of  Trophonius;  and  the  remedies  I  sought  were  to 
force  myself  into  society,  and  to  keep  my  understanding  in  continual 
activity  upon  matters  of  science.  But  for  these  remedies  I  should 
certainly  have  become  hypochondriacally  melancholy.  In  after  years, 
however,  when  my  cheerfulness  was  more  fully  re-established,  I 
yielded  to  my  natural  inclination  for  a  solitary  life.  And,  at  that 
time,  I  often  fell  into  these  reveries  upon  taking  opium;  and  more 
than  once  it  has  happened  to  me,  on  a  summer  night,  when  I  have 
been  at  an  open  window,  in  a  room  from  which  I  could  overlook  the 
5ea  at  a  mile  below  me,  and  could  command  a  view  of  the  great  town 

of  L ,  at  about  the  same  distance,  that  I  have  sat  from  sunset  to 

sunrise,  motionless,  and  without  wishing  to  move."  * 

From  this  unsettled  life  De  Quincey  roused  himself  to 
go  where  he  had  been  strongly  drawn  since  boyhood — to 
the  AVestmoreland  Lakes  and  the  society  of  those  poets 
who  have  since  been  grouped  as  the  Lake  School.  Cole- 
ridge, Southey,  and,  foremost  of  all,  Wordsworth,  were 
seeking  to  establish  in  England  a  kind  of  poetry  essen- 
tially different  from  the  poetry  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
The  difference  appears  most  strikingly  in  two  character- 
istics. The  eighteenth  century  preferred  the  interests  of 
men  and  women  in  the  city,  and  held  to  a  somewhat  for- 
mal and  conventional  expression.  "Wordsworth  and  his 
followers  preached  and  practised  a ''return  to  nature," 
that  is,  a  return  to  the  simpler  interests  of  country  people, 
to  the  love  of  scenery  apart  from  men  and  women,  and  to 
a  more  direct  and  natural  expression.  Again,  the  eighteenth 
'  Confessions. 


INTRODUCTION  XV 

century  discouraged  imagination,  whereas  imagination  was 
made  by  these  reformers  almost  the  touchstone  of  true 
poetry.  Though  all  the  great  poets  of  the  time  caught 
the  spirit  of  this  change,  the  critics  and  the  public  were  so 
slow  in  following  them  that  for  some  years  the  Lake  School 
was  a  butt  of  ridicule;  It  was  with  the  ardour  of  a  disci- 
ple, then,  that  De  Quincey,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four, 
went  to  be  near  his  heroes  of  literature.  After  living  for 
some  time  with  the  Wordsworths  at  Grasmere,  he  took  a 
lease  of  their  cottage  when  they  removed  to  a  larger  one, 
filled  it  with  books,  and  spent  about  ten  years  in  reading, 
playing  with  the  "Wordsworth  children,  walking  and  talk- 
ing to  his  heart's  content  with  the  poets  themselves.  He 
thus  describes  the  Vale  of  Grasmere: 

"  Once  I  absolutely  went  forwards  from  Coniston  to  the  very  gorge 
of  Hammerscar,  from  which  the  whole  Vale  of  Grasmere  suddenly 
breaks  upon  the  view  in  a  style  of  almost  theatrical  surprise,  with 
its  lovely  valley  stretching  before  the  eye  in  the  distance,  the  lake 
lying  immediately  below,  with  its  solemn,  ark-like  island  of  four  and 
a  half  acres  in  size  seemingly  floating  on  its  surface,  and  its  exquisite 
outline  on  the  opposite  shore,  revealing  all  its  little  bays  and  wild 
sylvan  margin,  feathered  to  the  edge  with  wild  flowers  and  ferns. 
In  one  quarter,  a  little  wood  stretching  for  about  half  a  mile  towards 
the  outlet  of  the  lake  ;  more  directly  in  opposition  to  the  spectator, 
a  few  green  fields  ;  and  beyond  them,  just  two  bowshots  from  the 
water,  a  little  white  cottage  gleaming  from  the  midst  of  trees,  with 
a  vast  and  seemingly  never-ending  series  of  ascents  rising  above  it 
to  the  height  of  more  than  three  thousand  feet."  * 

The  interior  of  the  cottage  is  described  in  the  "  Confes- 
sions" : 

'*  Paint  me,  then,  a  room  seventeen  feet  by  twelve,  and  not  more 
than  seven  and  a  half  feet  high.  This,  reader,  is  somewhat  ambi- 
tiously styled  in  my  family  the  drawing-room  ;  but  being  contrived 
'  a  double  debt  to  pay,'  it  is  also,  and  more  justly,  termed  the  library, 

^Autobiographic  Sketche*,  ii.,  234. 


xvi  INTRODUCTION 

for  it  happens  that  books  are  the  only  article  of  property  in  which  1 
am  richer  than  my  neighbours.  Of  these  I  have  about  five  thousand, 
collected  gradually  since  my  eighteenth  year.  Therefore,  painter, 
put  as  many  as  you  can  into  this  room.  Make  it  populous  with 
books  ;  and,  furthermore,  paint  me  a  good  fire  ;  and  furniture  plain 
and  modest,  befitting  the  unpretending  cottage  of  a  scholar.  And 
near  the  fire  paint  me  a  tea-table ;  and  (as  it  is  clear  that  no  creature 
can  come  to  see  one  such  a  stormy  night)  place  only  two  cups  and 
saucers  on  the  tea-tray  ;  and  if  you  know  how  to  paint  such  a  thing 
symbolically,  or  otherwise,  paint  me  an  eternal  tea-pot — eternal  d 
parte  ante,  and  &  parte  post — for  I  usually  drink  tea  from  eight 
o'clock  at  night  to  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  .  .  .  The  next 
article  brought  forward  should  naturally  be  myself — a  picture  of  the 
Opium-eater,  with  his  '  little  golden  receptacle  of  the  pernicious 
drug '  lying  beside  him  on  the  table.  ...  No  ;  you  may  as 
well  paint  the  real  receptacle,  which  was  not  of  gold,  but  of  glass, 
and  as  much  like  a  wine-decanter  as  possible.  Into  this  you  may 
put  a  quart  of  ruby-colored  laudanum  ;  that,  and  a  book  of  German 
Metaphysics  placed  by  its  side,  will  sufficiently  attest  my  being  in 
the  neighbourhood." 

Literary  leisure  lias  rarely  been  more  perfectly  realized. 
To  most  people,  indeed  to  his  own  family,  he  was  a  recluse; 
but  to  his  few  intimates  he  was  the  most  delightful  and 
profitable  of  companions.  Professor  Wilson,  who  was 
twice  De  Quincey's  size,  and  differed  correspondingly  in 
tastes,  loved  him  dearly.  The  giant  and  the  dwarf  used 
to  ramble  interminably  together,  especially  at  night. 
These  bachelor  habits  were  hardly  modified  when,  in 
1816,  De  Quincey  married  Margaret  Simpson,  daughter  of 
a  neighbouring  farmer.  The  marriage  led  him  to  curb  his 
alarming  consumption  of  opium,  and  combined  with  his 
habit  of  giving  money  away  recklessly  to  force  him  into 
writing  for  a  living.  But  after  a  few  magazine  articles, 
an  important  examination  of  Kicardo's  political  economy, 
followed  by  some  original  work  on  the  same  subject,  and  a 
futile  attempt  to  edit  a  country  paper,  he  relapsed  into 
opium  depression.      It  required  a  supreme  effort  of  will 


INTRODUCTION  xvii 

and  the  positive  need  of  his  wife  and  children  finally  to 
rouse  him  to  systematic  effort. 

In  1821  De  Quincey  went  to  live  in  London  as  a  regular 
writer  for  the  new  London  Magazine,  just  established  by 
the  publishers  Taylor  and  Hessey.  At  their  table  he  met 
the  London  literary  men  of  the  day,  especially  Lamb  and 
Hood;  and  in  their  magazine  appeared  the  "  Confessions  of 
an  English  Opium-Eater,"  which  m^e  him  famous. 
Thus  he  was  thirty-six  when  he  came  before  the  public. 
Indeed,  the  public  might  never  have  heard  of  him  at  all 
but  for  his  need  of  money.  From  this  time  on  anecdotes 
thicken  about  the  little  figure  of  the  Opium-Eater.  The 
two  things  that  struck  every  one  most  were  his  wonderful 
conversation  and  the  confusion  in  which  he  worked.  Here 
is  a  note  by  Hood : 

"  When  it  was  my  frequent  and  agreeable  duty  to  call  on  Mr.  de 
Quincey  .  .  .  and  I  have  found  him  at  home,  quite  at  home,  in 
the  midst  of  a  German  Ocean  of  literature  in  a  storm,  flooding  all 
the  floor,  the  tables,  billows  of  books  tossing,  tumbling,  surging 
open,  on  such  occasions  I  have  willingly  listened  by  the  hour  whilst 
the  philosopher,  standing  with  his  eyes  fixed  on  one  side  of  the  room, 
seemed  to  be  less  speaking  than  reading  from  a  '  liandwriting  on  the 
wall.'  Now  and  then  he  would  diverge,  for  a  Scotch  mile  or  two,  to 
the  right  or  left,  till  I  was  tempted  to  inquire  with  Peregrine  in 
John  Bull,  '  Do  you  never  deviate  ? '  but  he  always  came  safely 
back  to  the  point  where  he  had  left,  not  lost  the  scent,  and  thence 
hunted  his  topic  to  the  end."  * 

During  his  six  or  seven  years'  residence  in  London  De 
Quincey's  magazine- writing  consisted  mainly  of  essays  on 
German  and  English  literature  and  philosophy,  and  of 
translations  from  the  German;  but  his  range  was  always 
very  wide.  On  political  economy  and  history  he  wrote  with 
assurance;  on  many  other  subjects  with  fluency.      Gras- 

'  Hood,  Literary  Reminiscences  (quoted  by  Hogg,  De  Quincey  and 
his  Fnends,  p.  239). 


xviii  INTRODUCTION 

mere  he  visited  rarely;  and  in  1828  a  growing  connection 
with  Blackwood's  Magazine,  through  his  old  friend  Pro- 
fessor Wilson,  led  to  the  removal  of  the  whole  family  to 
Edinburgh. 

The  Edinburgh  period,  though  essentially  one  in  liter- 
ary activity,  is  divided  into  two  parts  by  other  considera- 
tions. During  the  first  third  the  family  lived  together  in 
town.  In  1835  the  elder  son,  a  promising  boy  of  eighteen, 
died  of  brain  fever.  In  1837,  the  year  in  which  "The 
Kevolt  of  the  Tartars  "  was  written,  Mrs.  De  Quincey  died. 
During  the  last  two  thirds,  De  Quincey  had  a  cottage  at 
Lasswade,  not  far  from  town,  for  the  benefit  of  his  chil- 
dren. His  eldest  daughter  took  charge  of  the  household, 
and  De  Quincey,  sometimes  with  them,  sometimes  in  Edin- 
burgh lodgings,  sometimes  in  Glasgow,  continued  to  study 
and  write  in  seclusion  till  his  death  in  1859.  He  was  now 
famous  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  But  though  he 
continued  to  write  without  apparent  flagging,  and  though 
his  conversation  continued  to  enchant  the  few  who  felt  its 
spell,  it  is  impossible  not  to  see  that  his  afflictions  and  the 
ultimate  effects  of  opium  had  exaggerated  his  eccentricities 
into  something  grotesque  and  pitiable.  He  was  a  slovenly 
old  man,  unstrung,  often  confused.  Brilliant  he  was  still, 
but  by  flashes;  gentle  and  courteous  he  could  not  help 
being,  but  he  had  forgotten  how  to  dress,  and  he  feared 
society.  Through  his  last  years  there  is  a  painful  groping, 
a  pathetic  incompetence.  But  his  power  of  reflection  and 
expression  survived  all  loss  of  practical  efficiency.  That 
died  last.  At  the  end,  as  at  the  beginning,  he  was  "an 
intellectual  creature." 

"Intellectual  creature,"  indeed,  is  a  phrase  that  sums 
up  what  in  the  man's  life  is  most  memorable.  He  was 
purely  a  man  of  letters.  Macaulay  gave  years  to  politics; 
Scott  was  anxious  to  found  estates  and  a  noble  family;  but 
all  De  Quincey  cared  for  was  first  reading  and  thinking. 


INTRODUCTION 


XIZ 


and  secondarily  talking  and  writing.  His  was  an  inner 
life.  He  never  travelled  farther  than  Ireland,  and  after 
his  coming  to  Grasmere  the  externals  of  his  life  are  insig- 
nificant. A  life  so  self-centred  was,  of  necessity,  egotist- 
ical, not  in  vulgar  vanity  and  selfishness,  but  in  habitual 
spinning  out  of  himself.  But,  what  is  more  important,  it 
was  above  all  imaginative,  moving  in  the  world  of  art  rather 
than  in  the  world  of  fact,  loving  music,  speculation, 
mystery. 

It  is  only  to  look  upon  these  traits  from  another  side  to 
add  that  he  was  abstracted,  eccentric,  incompetent  in 
every-day  matters.  "  I  have  just  set  my  hair  on  fire,"  he 
remarks  casually  in  a  letter  to  his  publisher.  During  the 
Edinburgh  period  his  lodgings  became,  as  he  expressed  it, 
"  snowed  up  ;  "  that  is,  the  confusion  of  books  and  papers 
reached  the  point  of  crowding  out  the  author.  Ilis  rem- 
edy was  very  simple.  He  locked  the  door,  took  other  lodg- 
ings, and  began  afresh.  When  one  knows  that  this  hap- 
pened more  than  once,  it  is  easier  to  believe  the  anecdotes 
current  about  this  period. 

"His  clothes  had  generally  a  look  of  extreme  age,  and  also  of 
having  been  made  for  a  person  somewhat  larger  than  himself.  I 
believe  the  real  cause  of  this  was  that  he  had  got  much  thinner  in 
those  later  years,  whilst  he  wore,  and  did  wear,  I  suppose  till  the 
end  of  his  life,  the  clothes  that  had  been  made  for  him  years  before. 
I  have  sometimes  seen  appearances  about  him  of  a  shirt  and  shirt- 
collar,  but  usually  there  were  no  indications  of  these  articles  of 
dress.  When  I  came  to  visit  him  in  his  lodgings,  I  saw  him  in  all 
stages  of  costume  ;  sometimes  he  would  come  in  to  me  from  his  bed- 
room to  his  parlour,  as  on  this  occasion,  with  shoes,  but  no  stockings, 
and  sometimes  with  stockings,  but  no  shoes.  When  in  bed,  where  I 
also  saw  him  from  time  to  time,  he  wore  a  large  jacket — not  exactly 
an  under-jacket,  but  a  jacket  made  in  the  form  of  a  coat,  of  white 
flannel  ;  something  like  a  cricketer's  coat  in  fact.  In  the  street  his 
appearance  was  equally  singular.  He  walked  with  considerable 
rapidity  (he  said  walking  was  the  only  athletic  exercise  in  which  he 
had  ever  excelled)  and  with  an  odd,  one-sided,  and  yet  straight- 


XX  INTRODUCTION 

forward  motion,  moving  his  legs  only,  and  neither  his  arms,  head, 
nor  any  other  part  of  his  body — like  Wordsworth's  cloud — 

'Moving  altogether,  if  he  moved  at  all.' 

His  hat,  which  had  the  antediluvian  aspect  characteristic  of  the  rest 
of  his  clothes,  was  generally  stuck  on  the  back  of  his  head,  and  no 
one  who  ever  met  that  antiquated  figure,  with  that  strangely  dreamy 
and  intellectual  face,  working  its  way  rapidly,  and  with  an  oddly 
deferential  air,  through  any  of  the  streets  of  Edinburgh — a  sight 
certainly  by  no  means  common,  for  he  was  very  seldom  to  be  seen  in 
town — could  ever  forget  it.  He  was  very  fond  of  walking,  but  gen- 
erally his  walks  were  merely  into  town  to  his  publisher's  office  (Mr. 
Hogg's,  then  in  Nicolson  Street)  and  back  again  to  Lasswade.  Till 
he  was  nearly  seventy  he  took  this  walk — one  of  twelve  miles — 
without  inconvenience." ' 

"Roofed  by  a  huge  wide-awake,  which  makes  hia  tiny  figure  look 
like  the  stalk  of  some  great  fungus,  with  a  lantern  of  more  than 
common  dimensions  in  his  hand,  away  he  goes  down  the  wooded 
path,  up  the  steep  bank,  along  the  brawling  stream,  and  across  the 
waterfall — and  ever  as  he  goes  there  comes  from  him  a  continued 
stream  of  talk,  concerning  the  philosophy  of  Immauuel  Kant,  and 
other  kindred  matters.  Surely  if  we  two  were  seen  by  any  human 
eyes,  it  must  have  been  supposed  that  some  gnome,  or  troll,  or  kel- 
pie, was  luring  the  listener  to  his  doom.  The  worst  of  such  affairs 
as  this,  was  the  consciousness  that,  when  left,  the  old  man  would 
continue  walking  on  until,  weariness  overcoming  him,  he  would  take 
his  rest,  wherever  that  happened,  like  some  poor  mendicant.  He 
used  to  denounce,  with  his  most  fervid  eloquence,  that  barbarous  and 
brutal  provision  of  the  law  of  England,  which  rendered  sleeping  in 
the  open  air  an  act  of  vagrancy,  and  so  punishable,  if  the  sleeper 
could  not  give  a  satisfactory  account  of  himself — a  thing  which 
Papaverius  never  could  give  under  any  circumstances."  ' 

"  For  instance,  those  who  knew  him  a  little  might  call  him  a  loose 
man  in  money  matters  ;  those  who  knew  him  closer  laughed  at  the 
idea  of  coupling  any  notion  of  pecuniary  or  other  like  responsibility 
with  his  nature.  You  might  as  well  attack  the  character  of  the 
nightingale,  which  may  have  nipped  up  your  five-pound  note  and 

'  J.  R.  Findlay  {Hogg,  ibid.,  p.  129). 

'John  Hill  Burton,  Tlie  Book  Hunter  (chapter  entitled  "Papa- 
verius," quoted  by  Hogg,  ibid.,  p.  354). 


I 


INTRODUCTION  xxi 

torn  it  into  shreds  to  serve  as  nest-building  material.  Only  immedi- 
ate, craving  necessities  could  ever  extract  from  him  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  common  vulgar  agencies  by  which  men  subsist  in  civil- 
ised society  ;  and  only  while  the  necessity  lasted  did  the  acknowledg- 
ment exist.  Take  just  one  example,  which  will  render  this  clearer 
than  any  generalities.  He  arrives  very  late  at  a  friend's  door,  and 
on  gaining  admission — a  process  in  which  he  often  endured  impedi- 
ments— he  represents  with  his  usual  silver  voice  and  measured 
rhetoric  the  absolute  necessity  of  his  being  then  and  there  invested 
with  a  sum  of  money  in  the  current  coin  of  the  realm,  the  amount 
limited,  from  the  nature  of  his  necessities,  which  he  very  freely 
states,  to  seven  shillings  and  sixpence.  Discovering,  or  fancying  he 
discovers,  signs  that  his  eloquence  is  likely  to  be  unproductive,  he  is 
fortunately  reminded  that,  should  there  be  any  difficulty  in  connec- 
tion with  security  for  the  repayment  of  the  loan,  he  is  at  that  moment 
in  possession  of  a  document,  which  he  is  prepared  to  deposit  with 
the  lender — a  document  calculated,  he  cannot  doubt,  to  remove  a 
feeling  of  anxiety  which  the  most  prudent  person  could  experience 
in  the  circumstances.  After  a  rummage  in  his  pockets,  which  de- 
velops miscellaneous  and  varied,  but  as  yet  by  no  means  valuable 
possessions,  he  at  last  comes  to  the  object  of  his  search,  a  crumpled 
bit  of  paper,  and  spreads  it  out — a  fifty-pound  bank-note  !  The 
friend,  who  knew  him  well,  was  of  opinion  that,  had  he,  on  deliver- 
ing over  the  seven  shillings  and  sixpence,  received  the  bank-note, 
he  would  never  have  heard  anything  more  of  the  transaction  from 
the  other  party."  * 

Of  course  it  is  easy  to  exaggerate  the  impression  of  De 
Quincey's  abstraction.  He  read  the  papers  and  was  inter- 
ested in  current  events,  though  he  was  prone  to  reflect 
away  from  the  facts.  His  conversation,  too,  was  a  strong 
link  between  him  and  his  fellows.  But  though  this  often 
started  among  current  events,  or  even  in  commonplaces, 
it  was  almost  sure  to  become  imaginative,  speculative, 
sometimes  almost  rhapsodic.  This  was  the  man's  great 
charm,  the  charm  that  attached  to  him  a  brilliant  follow- 

'  John  Hill  Burton,  The  Book  Hunter  (chapter  entitled  "  Papa- 
verius,"  quoted  by  Hogg,  ibid.,  p.  255). 


xxii  INTRODUCTION 

ing  and  a  romantic  interest,  heightening  his  fame  to  this 
day.  His  essay  on  "  Conversation  "  shows  his  ideals  and 
gives  some  hint  of  his  power.  What  he  was  in  congenial 
company  appears  in  the  following: 

"  He  did  not  quite,  as  Burton  had  told  me  he  would  do,  talk  maga- 
zine articles,  but  the  literary  habit  was  notable,  though  not  in  the 
least  obtrusive,  in  all  his  talk.  One  effect  of  this  was  somewhat  trying 
to  an  inexperienced  listener;  for  when  in  the  flow  of  his  conversation 
he  came  to  the  close  of  one  of  his  beautifully  rounded  and  balanced 
paragraphs,  he  would  pause  in  order  to  allow  you  to  have  your  say, 
with  the  result  sometimes  of  rather  taking  one  aback,  especially  as 
the  subject  of  conversation  often  seemed  to  have  been  brought,  by 
his  conduct  of  it,  to  its  complete  and  legitimate  conclusion.  The 
listener  was  apt  to  feel  that  he  had  perorated  rather  than  paused. 
In  his  mode  of  conversing,  as  in  everything  else,  his  courtesy  of 
manner  was  observable.  He  never  monopolised  talk,  allowed  every 
one  to  have  a  fair  chance,  and  listened  with  respectful  patience  to 
the  most  commonplace  remarks  from  any  one  present.  The  fact 
that  any  one  was,  for  the  time,  a  member  of  the  company  in  which 
he  also  happened  to  be,  evidently  in  his  eyes  entitled  the  speaker  to 
all  consideration  and  respect.  But  he  had  a  just  horror  of  bores, 
and  carefully  avoided  them."  ' 

' '  His  voice  was  extraordinary ;  it  came  as  if  from  dreamland ;  but 
it  was  the  most  musical  and  impressive  of  voices.  In  convivial  life, 
what  then  seemed  to  me  the  most  remarkable  trait  of  De  Quincey's 
character,  was  the  power  he  possessed  of  easily  changing  the  tone  of 
ordinary  thought  and  conversation  into  that  of  his  own  dreamland, 
till  his  auditors,  with  wonder,  found  themselves  moving  pleasantly 
along  with  him  in  a  sphere  of  which  they  might  have  heard  and  read, 
perhaps,  but  which  had  ever  appeared  to  them  inaccessible,  and  far, 
far  away.  Seeing  that  he  was  always  good-natured  and  social,  he 
would  take  part,  at  commencement,  in  any  sort  of  tattle  or  twaddle. 
The  talk  might  be  of  '  beeves, '  and  he  could  grapple  with  them  if 
expected  to  do  so,  but  his  musical  cadences  were  not  in  keeping  with 
such  work,  and  in  a  few  minutes  (not  without  some  strictly  logical 
sequence)  he  could  escape  at  will  from  beeves  to  butterflies,  and 
thence  to  the  soul's  immortality;  to  Plato,  and  Kant,  and  Schelling, 
and  Pichte;  to  Milton's  early  years,  and  Shakespeare's  sonnets;  to 

•  J.  R.  Findlay,  ibid.,  p.  127. 


INTRODUCTION  xxiii 

Wordsworth  and  Coleridge;  to  Homer  and  ^schylus;  to  St.  Thomas 
of  Aquin,  St.  Basil,  and  St.  Chrysostom.  But  he  by  no  means  ex- 
cluded themes  from  real  life,  according  to  his  view  of  that  life,  but 
would  recount  profound  mysteries  from  his  own  experiences — visions 
that  had  come  over  him  in  his  loneliest  walks  among  the  mountains, 
and  passages  within  his  own  personal  knowledge,  illustrating,  if  not 
proving,  the  doctrines  of  dreams,  of  warnings,  of  second  sight,  and 
mesmerism.  And  whatever  the  subject  might  be,  every  one  of  his 
sentences  (or  of  his  chapters,  I  might  say)  was  woven  into  the  most 
perfect  logical  texture,  and  uttered  in  a  tone  of  sustained  melody."  ' 
"  Presently  the  flood  of  talk  passes  forth  from  them,  free,  clear, 
and  continuous — never  rising  into  declamation,  never  losing  a  cer- 
tain mellow  earnestness,  and  all  consisting  of  sentences  as  exqui- 
sitely jointed  together  as  if  they  were  destined  to  challenge  the  criti- 
cism of  the  remotest  posterity.  Still  the  hours  stride  over  each 
other,  and  still  flows  on  the  stream  of  gentle  rhetoric,  as  if  it  were 
Idbitur  et  labetur  in  omne  voluhilis  cevum.  It  is  now  far  into  the 
night,  and  slight  hints  and  suggestions  are  propagated  about  sepa- 
ration and  home-going.  The  topic  starts  new  ideas  on  the  progress 
of  civilisation,  the  effect  of  habit  on  man  in  all  ages,  and  the  power 
of  the  domestic  affections.  Descending  from  generals  to  the  special, 
he  could  testify  to  the  inconvenience  of  late  hours;  for,  was  it  not 
the  other  night  that,  coming  to  what  was,  or  what  he  believed  to  be, 
his  own  door,  he  knocked  and  knocked,  but  the  old  woman  within 
either  couldn't  or  wouldn't  hear  him,  so  he  scrambled  over  a  wall, 
and  having  taken  his  repose  in  a  furrow,  was  able  to  testify  to  the 
extreme  unpleasantness  of  such  a  couch.  The  predial  groove  might 
indeed  nourish  kindly  the  infant  seeds  and  shoots  of  the  peculiar 
vegetable  to  which  it  was  appropriated,  but  was  not  a  comfortable 
place  of  repose  for  adult  man."* 

Perhaps,  indeed,  he  found  his  most  natural  expression  in 
talking  rather  than  in  writing,  and  certainly  his  writing 
has  the  discursive  character  of  talk. 

With  the  exception  of  "  The  Logic  of  Political  Econ- 
omy" and  the  unimportant  novel  "  Klosterheim, "  De 
Quincey's  work  consists  entirely  of  articles  for  the  reviews. 

'  R.  P.  Gillies,  Memoirs  of  a  Literary  Veteran,  ibid.,  p.  241. 
•John  Hill  Burton,  The  Book  Hunter,  ibid.,  p.  252. 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION 

These  cover  a  very  great  range  of  subjects,^  following  his 
reading,  which  was  wide  rather  than  deep.  He  made  pre- 
tensions to  scholarship  in  many  fields,  but  he  seems  never 
to  have  carried  on  any  long  and  connected  research.  He  was 
bookish;  he  preferred  reading  to  writing,  his  work  some- 
times "smells  of  the  lamp,"  and  he  delights  in  pedantic 
foot-notes;  but  he  cannot,  except  in  the  precision  of  his 
language,  be  called  scholarly.  This  characteristic  of  his 
work  is  typical  both  of  his  habit  of  mind  and  of  his  time. 

As  a  critic  his  value  is  perhaps  overestimated.  On  the 
one  hand,  he  united  with  Coleridge  and  Carlyle  in  intro- 
ducing English  readers  to  German  literature  and  philoso- 
phy. He  was  also  among  the  first  to  appreciate  the  new 
poetry  of  "Wordsworth  and  Coleridge,  and  to  contend  for 
its  just  place  in  literature.  On  the  other  hand,  he  failed  to 
appreciate  French  literature,  slighted  Goethe,  scorned 
Crabbe,  preferred  Dickens  to  Thackeray,  and  ventured  to 
attack  the  Eepublic  of  Plato.  A  recent  writer  in  the 
Saturday  Review  (vol.  69,  p.  17)  charges  him  with  being 
"destitute  of  the  true  critical  spirit,  the  sense  of  the 
actual."  But  there  is  no  doubt  that,  like  Macaulay,  he 
did  much  to  give  the  average  reader  a  more  intelligent 
interest  in  literature,  and  to  lead  him  toward  culture.  A 
good  example  of  this  valuable  service  is  his  illuminative 
essay  "  On  the  Knocking  at  the  Gate  in  Macbeth." 

In  any  case  De  Quincey's  value  as  a  critic  is  not  the 
measure  of  his  excellence.  His  most  popular  and  interest- 
ing works,  the  works  by  which  he  himself  set  most  store, 
are  those  pieces  of   imaginative  reminiscence  beginning 

*  An  excellent  classification  of  De  Quincey's  various  writings  has 
been  made  by  Professor  Masson  in  chapter  xii.  of  his  life  of  De 
Quincey  (English  Men  of  Letters  Series).  Compare  also  the  classi- 
fication in  Dr.  Shadworth  H.  Hodgson's  essay  on  "  The  Genius  of  De 
Quincey  "  {^Outcast  Essays,  reprinted  in  Hogg's  De  Quincey  and  hia 
Friends,  p.  314). 


INTRODUCTION  XXV 

with  the  "Confessions  of  an  English  Opium-Eater,"  and 
proceeding  through  the  "  Suspiria  de  Prof  undis  "  (includ- 
ing "  Levana,"  "  Savannah-la-Mar,"  etc.),  and  the  "  Auto- 
biographic Sketches,"  to  "The  English  Mail  Coach." 
Not  only  did  these  catch  the  taste  of  the  time  and  set  a 
fashion  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,^  but  they  also  hold  a 
peculiar  place  in  English  literature. 

II.  The  Eevolt  of  the  Tartars." 

The  sub-title  of  this  piece,  "Flight  of  the  Kalmuck 
Khan  and  his  People,"  is  a  more  accurate  description.  In 
order  to  appreciate  the  work  as  a  whole,  before  examining 
it  in  detail,  it  is  necessary  to  know  (1)  who  the  Kalmucks 
are,  (2)  what  are  the  actual,  the  historical  facts  of  their 
revolt,  (3)  how  this  historical  material  was  handled  by  De 
Quincey. 

A.   The  Kalmucks. 

The  Kalmucks  are  Mongol  nomads  of  the  Caspian 
steppes.  Thus  they  belong  to  that  race  whose  countless 
hordes  crushed  alike  the  armies  of  China  and  of  Eussia  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  seized  both  thrones,  and,  pushing 
far  west  into  Hungary,  menaced  all  Christian  Europe.^ 
Their  famous  chief  Genghis,  or  Jingis,  Khan  (1162-1227) 
is  said  to  have  ruled  over  the  largest  empire  ever  brought 
under  a  single  man.     Even  Timur  (died,  1405),  a  much 

'  Note,  for  instance,  Hawthorne's  shorter  pieces ;  and,  later,  Mitch- 
ell's Reveries  of  a  Bachelor  and  Dream  Life. 

'  Published  in  Blackwood's  Edinburgh  Magazine,  1837  ;  repub- 
lished in  Hogg's  collective  edition,  Selections,  Grave  and  Oay,  from 
Writings  Published  and  Unpublished,  by  Thomas  De  Quincey,  1853- 
1860,  vol.  iv.     {Miscellanies,  vol.  ii.) 

•Consult  Fisher's  Outlines  of  Unv'ersal  History,  pp.  283,  349, 
351  ;  Ploetz's  Epitome  of  Universal  History,  pp.  240,  242,  277  ;  or  a 
cyclopaedia,  under  the  headings  Genghis  Khan,  Tamerlane,  Mongols. 


xxvi  INTRODUCTION 

lesser  chief,  became,  in  the  literature  of  western  Europe, 
a  proverb  of  wonderful  conquest  under  the  name  of 
Tamerlane. 

But  no  stable  empire  could  be  built  by  men  so  nearly 
savage  and  so  naturally  nomadic.  The  Mongol  hordes, 
disintegrated  and  scattered,  became  so  involved  with  the 
races  among  which  they  wandered,  that  it  is  difficult  to 
reach  a  classification.  Thus  the  Kalmucks  are  grouped  by 
De  Quincey  among  the  Tartars;  and  though  in  this  he 
varies  from  the  best  authorities  of  his  own  time,  it  is  not 
even  yet  certain  whether  he  is  right  or  wrong.  Probably, 
however,  the  Kalmucks  are  descended,  not  from  the  Tartar, 
but  from  the  Kerait  branch  of  the  Mongols.  The  partic- 
ular Kalmucks  with  which  De  Quincey's  narrative  has  to 
do  were  of  the  tribe  called  Torguts  (Torgotes,  Torgouths). 
In  1616  these  Torguts  migrated  from  their  country  of 
Sungaria  (Jungaria),  in  Thibet,  to  the  steppes  of  the 
Caspian  Sea.  Though  nominally  owing  allegiance  to  Rus- 
sia, they  plundered,  after  their  fashion,  both  the  Russian 
and  the  Turkish  borders,  and  kept  up  occasional  commu- 
nication with  China.  But  the  connection  with  Russia 
gradually  strengthening,  the  Torguts  became  fairly  estab- 
lished in  wide  camping-grounds,  from  the  Don  on  the 
west,  to  the  Jaik  (Ural)  and  the  Caspian  Sea  on  the  east, 
and  from  Tsaritsin  on  the  north,  to  the  slopes  of  the  Cau- 
casus on  the  south. 

As  to  the  main  traits  of  these  Mongol  nomads  all  trav- 
ellers agree.  The  following  extracts  are  from  the  narrative 
of  a  French  engineer,  M.  de  Hell,  and  his  wife:  ^ 

"  The  Kalmucks,  all  of  them  nomads,  are  exclusively  engaged  in 
rearing  cattle,  and  know  nothing  whatever  of  agriculture.  They 
breed  camels,  oxen,  sheep,  and,  above  all,  horses,  of  which  they  have 
an  excellent  breed  ;  small,  but  strong,  agile,  and  of  great  endurance. 

'  See  Appendix  A. 


INTRODUCTION  xxvii 

I  have  ridden  a  Kalmuck  horse  often  eighteen  and  even  twenty-five 
leagues  without  once  dismounting.  The  Russian  cavalry  is  mounted 
chiefly  on  horses  from  the  Caspian  steppes.     .     .     . 

"  Among  the  Asiatic  races  there  is  none  whose  features  are  so  dis- 
tinctly characterized  as  those  of  the  Mongols.  Paint  one  individual 
and  you  paint  the  whole  nation.     .     .     . 

"  All  the  Kalmucks  have  eyes  set  obliquely,  with  eyelids  little 
opened,  scanty  black  eye-brows,  noses  deeply  depressed  near  the 
forehead,  prominent  cheek-bones,  spare  beards,  thin  moustaches, 
and  a  brownish-yellow  skin.  The  lips  of  the  men  are  thick  and 
fleshy,  but  the  women,  particularly  those  of  high  rank,  have  heart- 
shaped  mouths  of  no  common  beauty.  All  have  enormous  ears,  pro- 
jecting strongly  from  the  head,  and  their  hair  is  invariably  black. 
The  Kalmucks  are  generally  small,  but  with  figures  well  rounded,  and 
an  easy  carriage.     .     .     . 

"  Like  all  inhabitants  of  vast  plains,  the  Kalmucks  have  exceed- 
ingly keen  sight.  An  hour  after  sunset,  they  can  still  distinguish 
a  camel  at  a  distance  of  three  miles  or  more.  .  .  .  They  have  also 
an  extraordinary  faculty  for  wending  their  way  through  their  path- 
less wildernesses.  "Without  the  least  apparent  mark  to  guide  them, 
they  traverse  hundreds  of  miles  with  their  flocks,  without  ever  wan- 
dering from  the  right  course. 

"  The  costume  of  the  common  Kalmucks  is  not  marked  by  any 
very  decided  peculiarity,  the  cap  alone  excepted.  It  is  invariably  of 
yellow  cloth  trimmed  with  black  lambskin,  and  is  worn  by  both 
sexes.  I  am  even  tempted  to  think  that  there  are  some  superstitious 
notions  connected  with  it,  seeing  the  difficulty  I  experienced  in  pro- 
caring  one  as  a  specimen.  The  trousers  are  wide  and  open  below. 
Persons  in  good  circumstances  wear  two  long  tunics,  one  of  which 
is  tied  round  the  waist,  but  the  usual  dress  consists  only  of  trousers 
and  a  jacket  of  skin,  with  tight  sleeves.  .  .  .  The  men  shave  a 
part  of  their  heads,  and  the  rest  of  the  hair  is  gathered  into  a  single 
mass,  which  hangs  on  their  shoulders.  The  women  wear  two  tresses, 
and  this  is  really  the  only  visible  criterion  of  their  sex.  The  princes 
have  almost  all  adopted  the  Circassian  costume,  or  the  uniform  of 
the  Cossacks  of  Astrakhan,  to  which  body  some  of  them  belong.  The 
ordinary  foot-gear  is  red  boots  with  very  high  heels,  and  generally 
much  too  short.  The  Kalmucks,  like  the  Chinese  greatly  admire 
small  feet;  and  as  they  are  constantly  on  horseback,  their  short  boots, 
which  would  be  torturing  to  us,  cause  them  no  inconvenience.  But 
they  are  very  bad  pedestrians  ;  the  form  of  their  boots  obliges  them 


xxviii  INTRODUCTION 

to  walk  on  their  toes,  and  they  are  exceedingly  distressed  when  they 
have  not  a  horse  to  mount.     .     .     . 

"  The  Kalmucks,  like  all  pastoral  people,  live  very  frugally. 
Dairy  produce  forms  their  chief  aliment,  and  their  favourite  beverage 
is  tea.  They  eat  meat  also,  particularly  horse  flesh,  which  they 
prefer  to  any  other,  but  very  well  done,  and  not  raw,  as  some  writers 
have  asserted.     .     .     . 

"Their  dwellings  are  felt  tents,  called  Mbitkas  by  the  Russians. 
They  are  four  or  five  yards  in  diameter,  cylindrical  to  the  height  of 
a  man's  shoulder,  with  a  conical  top,  open  at  the  apex  to  let  the 
smoke  escape.  The  frame  is  light,  and  can  be  taken  asunder  for  the 
convenience  of  carriage.  The  skeleton  of  the  roof  consists  of  a 
wooden  ring,  forming  the  aperture  for  the  smoke,  and  of  a  great 
number  of  small  spars  supporting  the  ring,  and  resting  on  the  upper 
circumference  of  the  cylindrical  frame.  The  whole  tent  is  light 
enough  to  be  carried  by  two  camels.  A  Jcibitka  serves  for  a  whole 
family ;  men,  women,  and  children  sleep  in  it  promiscuously  with- 
out any  separation.  In  the  centre  there  is  always  a  trivet,  on  which 
stands  the  pot  used  for  cooking  tea  and  meat.  The  floor  is  partly 
covered  with  felts,  carpets,  and  mats;  the  couches  are  opposite  the 
door,  and  the  walls  of  the  tent  are  hung  with  arms,  leathern  vessels, 
household  utensils,  quarters  of  meat,  etc." 

The  religion  of  the  Kalmucks  is  Lamaism  or  Lamanism. 
The  priests  are  called  Lamas,  and  the  two  chief  Lamas  in 
Thibet  occupy  much  the  same  position  as  the  mediaeval 
Popes,  in  that  their  supremacy  is  temporal  as  well  as  spir- 
itual.^ Of  these  two  the  Dalai-Lama,  though  spiritually 
only  the  peer,  is  temporally  the  superior  of  the  Bantshin 
Lama.  This  Thibetan  hierarchy  is,  of  course,  weakened 
by  the  increasing  pressure  of  civilization.  But  at  the  time 
of  which  De  Quiucey  writes,  it  was  practically  unimpaired. 
In  fact,  it  was  probably  the  moving  power  in  the  great 
migration. 

Lamaism  is  the  degraded  form  of  Buddhism  developed 
in  Thibet  and  subsequently  reformed  by  Tsong-Kaba.  It 
is  remarkable  for  an  elaborate  liturgy,  an  inordinate  num- 

'  See  the  notes  on  13  17  and  14  10. 


INTRODUCTION  xxix 

ber  of  priests  (lamas)  of  various  degrees,  and,  in  spite  of 
the  perfunctory  and  superstitious  manner  in  which  most  of 
the  Kalmucks  perform  its  rites,  for  a  strong  hold  upon  its 
followers.  Not  only  are  these  nomads  distinctly  religious, 
but  they  have  resisted  centuries  of  missionary  influence, 
both  Christian  and  Mohammedan. ^ 

B.  The  Revolt. 

In  the  winter  of  1770-1771,  almost  the  entire  tribe  of 
Torguts,  to  the  number  of  perhaps  400,000  souls,  re- 
volted in  a  body  from  Russia,  and  withdrew  across  the 
Kirghiz  steppes  to  the  frontiers  of  China.  The  cause  of 
this  remarkable  migration  is  doubtful.  The  earliest  ac- 
count, that  of  Father  Amiot,^  assigns  two  reasons:  (1) 
political — the  increasing  interference  of  Russia  with  the 
nomadic  independence  of  the  Torguts;  (2)  religious — the 
growing  danger  of  isolation,  among  encroaching  Chris- 
tians and  Mohammedans,  from  the  source  and  strength  of 
Lamaism.  This  is  the  most  reasonable  explanation  thus 
far  offered.  De  Quincey,  however,  adopted  the  interpreta- 
tion of  Bergmann,  which  makes  the  revolt  a  plot  of  ven- 
geance carried  out  by  a  Torgut  prince  named  Zebek  Dorchi. 

In  order  to  place  this  strange  episode  in  relation  to  the 
greater  movements  of  its  time,  observe  what  it  meant,  first 
to  China,  then  to  Russia.  China,  it  would  appear,  had 
been  scheming  to  recall  the  Torguts  to  their  old  home  in 
Sungaria,  which  had  since  been  brought  more  fully  under 
Chinese  control.  Perhaps  the  astute  emperor,  Kien  Long, 
thought  to  steal  the  defenders  of  the  Russian  frontier  for 

'  An  excellent  philosophical  account  of  Lamanism  has  been  writ- 
ten by  Professor  Rhys-Davids  for  the  Encyclopcedia  Britannica. 
For  a  more  popular  account,  abounding  in  interesting  anecdote,  see 
the  travels  of  Father  Hue,  cited  in  Appendix  A,  especially  vol.  i.,  p. 
116,  and  vol.  ii.,  pp.  148  and  213. 

'  See  Appendix  A. 


XXX  INTRODUCTION 

the  defense  of  his  own  frontier.  This,  taken  conversely, 
shows  the  significance  of  the  revolt  to  Russia.  But  an 
added  significance  on  this  side  appears  in  the  time  of  its 
occurrence.  It  happened  just  after  the  great  plague  at 
Moscow,  and  during  a  period  of  widespread  popular  rest- 
lessness and  discontent  which  culminated  in  the  rebellion 
of  Pougatchef,  the  false  Peter  III.  Rambaud  ^  thus  sum- 
marizes the  connection: 

"  The  Cossacks  of  the  Jaik  and  the  Don.and  the  Zaporogues  of  the 
Dnieper,  chafed  under  the  new  yoke  [^.  e.,  the  Russian  yoke]  of  au- 
thority. The  tribes  of  the  Volga  (Pagan,  Mussulman,  or  Christian, 
in  spite  of  themselves)  only  awaited  a  pretext  to  recover  their  lawless 
liberty,  or  to  reclaim  the  lands  which  the  Russian  colonists  had 
usurped, 

"  How  little  these  ungovernable  elements  accommodated  themselves 
to  the  laws  of  a  modern  State  was  seen  when,  in  1770,  the  Kalmuck- 
Torgaouts  (men,  women,  and  children),  to  the  number  of  about 
300,000,  with  their  cattle,  their  tents,  and  their  carts,  abandoned 
their  encampments.  Ravaging  everything  in  their  road,  they  crossed 
the  Volga,  and  retired  to  the  territory  of  the  empire  of  China. 
When  we  add  to  these  malcontents  the  vagabonds  of  all  kinds — the 
disfrocked  monks,  the  military  deserters,  fugitive  serfs,  highway- 
men, and  Volga  pirates — we  shall  see  that  Russia,  especially  in  her 
Oriental  part,  contained  all  the  materials  necessary  for  an  immense 
Jacquerie." 

Thus  Catherine  II.  had  two  main  motives  in  the  appar- 
ently foolish  pursuit  of  the  Kalmucks:  (1)  her  supremacy 
over  the  nomad  hordes  was  at  stake;  (2)  one  of  her  pet 
projects  was  to  increase  the  scanty  population  of  her  vast 
territory.  This  latter  purpose,  in  spite  of  the  introduction 
of  German  colonists,  had  just  received  so  terrible  a  blow 
from  the  ravages  of  the  plague  at  Moscow  that  she  could 
hardly  endure  the  loss  of  a  whole  tribe,  even  of  nominal 
subjects.  Moreover,  there  were  added  two  minor  consid- 
erations :  (1)  the  Kalmucks  formed  an  important  part  of 

^History  of  Russia,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  133,  134. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxi 

her  cavalry;  and  (2)  Russia  and  China  were  old  enemies. 
It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  she  should  have  made  even 
so  extraordinary  an  effort  to  intercept  the  Kalmuck  flight. 

C.  De  Qtiincey's  Narrative  {in  General). 

Now  how  does  this  curious  chapter  of  history  happen  to 
appear  among  the  writings  of  De  Quincey  ?  In  the  first 
place,  the  range  of  De  Quincey's  topics  is  remarkably  wide. 
It  is  no  more  surprising  that  he  should  write  on  "The 
Revolt  of  tlie  Tartars  "  than  on  "  The  Toilette  of  a  Hebrew 
Lady."  But  we  have  some  hints  of  nearer  reasons.  De 
Quincey's  interest  in  China  appears  also  in  two  long  articles 
for  the  Titan,  reprinted  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  China," 
in  1857.  Again,  Gibbon,  whose  great  history  De  Quincey 
knew  well,  mentions  the  revolt  in  his  twenty-sixth  chapter, 
and  adds  a  note  (51)  referring  to  the  narrative  of  Father 
Amiot.  Finally,  in  De  Quincey's  "  Homer  and  the 
Homeridae,"  appears  this  jjassage: 

"Some  years  ago  I  published  a  paper  on  the  Flight  of  the  Kal- 
muck Tartars  from  Russia.  Bergmann,  the  German  from  whom 
that  account  was  chiefly  drawn,  resided  for  a  long  time  among  the 
Kalmucks,  and  had  frequent  opportunities  of  hearing  musical  recita- 
tions selected  from  the  'Dschangaeriade.'  This  is  the  great  Tartar 
epic,"  *  etc. 

Perhaps  De  Quincey  consulted  Bergmann's  book  merely 
for  further  evidence  as  to  the  extent  and  accuracy  of  oral 
epic  traditions.  At  any  rate,  by  wliatever  chain  of  con- 
nection, he  became  fascinated  by  another  part  of  the  book, 
the  story  of  the  Kalmuck  revolt. 

From  this  starting  point  how  did  De  Quincey  proceed  ? 
Nowadays  the  plan  would  be,  even  if  an  author  intended 
merely  an  historical  romance,  to  consult  all  the  authorita- 

'  Pp.  388,  389,  in  Hogg's  edition. 


xxxii  INTRODUCTION 

tive  accounts,  compare  them,  and  settle  upon  the  true  ver- 
sion, or  choose  the  most  interesting.  De  Quincey  puts  his 
piece  forward  as  history,  and  accurate  history,  but  appar- 
ently he  knew  only  Bergmann's  account,  and  certainly  he 
followed  or  abandoned  this  at  will.^ 

Such  a  method,  if  the  piece  were  to  be  judged  as  history, 
would  be  open  to  serious  charges.  But  what  De  Quincey 
really  desired  and  achieved  was  not  an  accurate  account;  it 
was  an  imaginative  realization.  Paragraphs  1-3  announce 
this  point  of  view;  it  appears  again  strikingly  in  paragraphs 
17,  20,  and  29;  it  leads  to  a  final  climax  in  paragraphs  38- 
41.  Bergmann's  narrative  suggested  to  De  Quincey's  im- 
agination vivid  pictures  of  great  empires,  vast  distances, 
unspeakable  horror  and  misery.  These  pictures  are  the 
basis  and  the  strength  of  the  piece.  All  the  rest  is  merely 
subsidiary — often  striking  or  penetrative,  sometimes  mis- 
taken or  absurd,  but  essentially  subsidiary.  In  short,  the 
piece  is  not  so  much  a  work  of  history  as  a  work  of  poetry. 
In  order  to  appreciate  this  more  fully,  it  is  necessary  to  ex- 
amine the  style  in  detail. 

D.  De  Quincey''s  Narrative  {in  Detail). 

In  studying  the  style  of  De  Quincey,  as  it  appears  in  this 
piece,  two  main  points  are  to  be  considered:  (1)  the  con- 
struction, the  way  in  which  the  piece  is  put  together,  as  a 
whole,  and  in  its  separate  paragraphs  and  sentences;  (2) 
the  diction,  that  is,  the  habit  of  language,  the  choice  of 
words. 

i.  TJie  construction  of  the  wliole. — De  Quincey  places 
as  the  culmination  of  the  revolt  the  scene  at  Lake  Tengis, 
the  frightful  battle  in  the  water.  Bergmann  says  that 
after  this  the  Kalmucks  had  still  to  skirmish  with  the  tribes 

'  For  a  detailed  examination  of  the  correspondences  and  varia- 
tions, see  Ajjpendix  C. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxiii 

beyond.  Why  did  De  Quincey  change  the  place  of  this 
incident?  Plainly  to  gain  a  climax  (see  32  26-35) ;  that 
is,  to  lead  up  through  the  various  ills  of  the  march  to  this 
most  striking  horror  of  all.  After  this,  in  his  narrative, 
there  is  simply  the  brief  subsidence  into  rest  at  the  end. 
Here  is  seen  the  literary  principle  of  emphasis,  which  may 
be  stated  simply  as  follows :  important  parts  should  have 
important  places.  Above  all,  the  interest  should  increase 
up  to  the  climax.  In  another  view,  the  law  of  emphasis  is 
a  law  of  proportion.  The  important  parts  must  not  only 
have  important  places,  they  must  also  have  most  space.  In 
this  view  the  "  Revolt  of  the  Tartars  "  is  not  so  excellent. 
The  introduction  is  disproportionately  long;  for  the  action 
does  not  begin  until  page  26,  and  there  are  only  sixty-six 
pages  in  all. 

This  consideration  leads  naturally  to  a  second  recognized 
law  of  literature,  the  principle  of  unity  (see  4  16),  which 
requires  that  every  part  of  a  piece  should  contribute  to  one 
main  interest,  should  unite  to  produce  one  main  effect. 
The  principle  is  not  carefully  observed  in  this  piece;  but 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  various  interests  of  the  Russian 
commandant,  Kichinskoi,  the  scheming  Zebek  Dorchi,  the 
bloodthirsty  Kirghises,  the  emperor  of  China, — all  com- 
bine pretty  well  to  increase  one  main  interest,  the  tragic 
greatness  and  horror  of  the  Kalmuck  flight.  To  this  there 
is  one  exception,  the  parenthetical  story  of  the  Russian 
Weseloff  (paragraphs  34  and  35).  But  here  De  Quincey 
had  at  least  more  art  than  Bergmann,  who  tacked  the 
story  on  at  the  end.  And  notice  that  De  Quincey  is  careful 
to  unite  even  this  with  the  main  narrative  by  the  scene  in 
which  Weseloff  saves  the  life  of  the  Khan. 

Indeed,  the  *' Revolt  of  the  Tartars"  has  more  unity 
than  is  at  all  common  in  De  Quincey.  The  most  serious 
charge  brought  against  his  writing  is  that  it  abounds  in 
digressions.     Instead  of  talking  about  the  one  thing  that 


xxxiv  INTRODUCTION 

is  put  forth  as  his  subject,  he  seems  to  be  talking  of  what- 
ever comes  into  his  head.  For  example,  the  piece  entitled 
"The  Nation  of  London,"^  opens  as  follows,  the  paren- 
theses indicating  digressions: 

I.  London  exercises  a  visible  attraction  throughout  the 
kingdom  [two-page  foot-note  on  ancient  Home]. 

II.  Our  approach  was  through  rural  suburbs,  not  by  any 
great  road  [On  the  great  roads  how  different  the  approach! 
(1)  in  the  premonitions  of  the  metropolis  (note  on  trepi- 
dation and  agitation),  (2)  in  the  sense  of  losing  one's 
identity  in  the  throng — two  pages]. 

III.  I  remember  the  awe  of  our  arrival. 

IV.  What  should  we  go  to  see  ?  There  were  so  many 
things  to  see  that  we  could  decide  on  nothing.  [I  have 
had  in  my  life  three  great  disappointments — (1)  in  a  paint- 
ing of  Cape  Horn  (just  as  people  have  been  disappointed 
[though,  by  the  way,  less  reasonably]  in  the  view  from 
Mount  Etna,  one  page);  (2)  in  Garrick's  farewell;  (3)  in 
the  inauguration  of  George  IV.  (the  very  idea  of  Garrick's 
farewell  was  as  absurd  as  our  present  dilemma — one  page)]. 

This  habit  of  corkscrewing  through  an  essay  is  due 
somewhat  to  the  fact  that  from  such  magazine  articles  the 
editors  and  their  readers  expected,  not  the  development  of 
a  definite  line  of  thought  on  a  fixed  subject,  but  a  stream 
of  literary  talk.  Often,  in  fact,  there  is  no  subject,  prop- 
erly speaking.  One  of  these  articles  is  simply  so  many 
pages  of  reminiscence,  brought  to  a  graceful  close  when 
the  author  was  tired,  or  the  editor  had  no  more  space. 
But  the  habit  is  due  mainly  to  De  Quincey's  vivid  imagina- 
tion. One  picture  called  up  another,  until  sometimes  his 
very  strength  in  suggestion  betrayed  him  into  weakness. 

To  whatever  due,  this  discursive  habit  is  De  Quincey's 
great  fault — a  fault  that  runs  through  most  of  his  work. 

^Autobiographic  Sketches,  vol.  i.  De  Quincey  tells  how  he  first 
went  up  to  London  with  Lord  Westport. 


INTRODUCTION  XXXT 

What  was  pardonable  in  reminiscence  became  unpar- 
donable in  the  critical  essays.  It  is  not  enough  to  say 
that  he  never  lost  his  way,  that  he  eventually  came  back  to 
the  point,  or  even  that  the  digressions  are  often  delightful 
in  themselves.  There  is  no  denying  the  grave  defect  in 
art.  What  should  be  said,  however,  is  that  he  is  capable  of 
perfect  unity,  for  that  adds  a  peculiar  charm  to  "  Levana." 

Coherence  is  a  convenient  name  for  the  third  great 
principle  of  literary  construction,  which  demands  that  the 
parts  should  succeed  in  natural  order,  without  break  or  jar. 
Run  through  the  essay  rapidly,  pausing  only  to  observe 
how  carefully,  in  most  cases,  the  beginning  of  each  para- 
graph refers  to  the  thought  of  the  preceding,  and  leads  up 
to  the  new  stage  of  the  story. ^  This  skill  in  coherence, 
extending  to  the  nicest  adjustment  of  details,  always  does 
much  to  relieve  the  strain  of  De  Quincey's  digressions. 

ii.  Construction  of  separate  paragraphs. — Now  test  the 
paragraphs  separately  by  these  three  principles  of  empha- 
sis, unity,  and  coherence.  For  instance,  note  the  emphatic 
close  of  paragraph  1 ;  test  some  of  the  long  paragraphs  to 
see  if  they  contain  digressions,  or  give  too  much  space  to 
subordinate  matters;  finally,  observe  how  carefully  De 
Quincey  is  wont  to  put  near  the  beginning  of  each  sen- 
tence some  word,  some  conjunction,  some  demonstrative, 
some  important  noun  repeated,  to  make  a  coupling  with 
the  preceding  sentence.  For  example,  in  paragraph  6 
(11  19):  "The  very  hopelessness  of  the  scheme  grounded 
his  hope,  and  he  resolved  to  execute  a  vengeance  which 
should  involve,  as  it  were,  in  the  unity  of  a  well-laid 
tragic  fable,  all  whom  he  judged  to  be  his  enemies.  That 
vengeance  lay,"  etc. 

iii.  Construction  of  sentences.  —  De  Quincey's  sen- 
tences are  long  and  somewhat  formal.     He  was  too  re- 

'  This  survey  may  be  helped  by  the  paragraph  summaries  iu  the 
notes. 


xxxvi  INTRODUCTION 

flective,  and  too  fond  of  fine  distinctions,  to  cultivate  the 
loose,  brisk  style  of  disconnected  short  sentences.  So  his 
sentences  sound  deliberate.  Notice  the  following  (18 
26) :  ''  Meantime,  how  much  it  must  have  co-operated  with 
the  other  motives  previously  acting  upon  Oubacha  in  sus- 
taining his  determination  to  revolt,  and  how  powerfully  it 
must  have  assisted  the  efforts  of  all  the  Tartar  chieftains 
in  preparing  the  minds  of  their  people  to  feel  the  necessity 
of  this  difficult  enterprise,  by  arming  their  pride  and  their 
suspicions  against  the  Russian  Government,  through  the 
keenness  of  their  sympathy  with  the  wrongs  of  their  in- 
sulted prince,  may  be  readily  imagined."  This  suspended 
form  of  sentence,  which  remains  incomplete  till  the  last 
word,  is  called  periodic.  It  is  a  favourite  form  with  many 
classical  writers,  for  instance,  Cicero.  De  Quincey  may 
have  caught  it  either  directly  from  the  classics  or  indirectly 
from  Sir  Thomas  Browne  and  his  other  favourite  seven- 
teenth-century authors. 

iv.  Diction. — The  term  imaginative  gives  the  key  to 
De  Quincey's  choice  of  words  because  it  gives  the  key  to 
his  method.  In  the  preface  to  his  "Autobiographic 
Sketches,"  he  says: 

"On  these  (i.e.,  Confessions,  Suspiria,  etc.),  as  modes  of  impas- 
sioned prose  ranging  under  no  precedents  that  I  am  aware  of  in  any 
literature,  it  is  much  more  difficult  to  speak  justly.  .  .  .  Two  re- 
marks only  I  shall  address  to  the  equity  of  my  reader.  First,  I  desire 
to  remind  him  of  the  perilous  difficulty  besieging  all  attempts  to 
clothe  in  words  the  visionary  scenes  derived  from  the  world  of 
dreams,  where  a  single  false  note,  a  single  word  in  a  wrong  key, 
ruins  the  whole  music ;  and,  secondly,  I  desire  him  to  consider  the 
utter  sterility  of  universal  literature  in  this  one  department  of  im- 
passioned prose." ' 

The  "  impassioned  prose  "  ^  of  which  De  Quincey  speaks 

*  Autobiographic  Sketches,  i.,  xvii.  (Hogg's  edition). 
'  See  Professor  Masson's  Wordsworth,  Shelley,  Keats,  and  Other 
Essays,  p.  257. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxyii 

is  hardly  to  be  expected  in  the  historical  and  critical 
pieces.  But  if  it  appears  in  only  a  few  pages  of  the  "  Re- 
volt of  the  Tartars,"  those  pages  are  the  best.  They  are 
pre-eminently  paragraphs  38  and  41,  bnt  also  detached 
passages  throughout  the  piece;  for  instance,  pages  42,43. 
This  style,  though  it  is  individual  enough  to  give  De 
Quincey's  boast  some  countenance,  nevertheless  smacks  of 
his  time.  Professor  Masson  ^  thinks  it  smacks  also  of  Jean 
Paul  Richter. 

Such  a  style  expresses  itself  naturally  in  figures.  Note 
the  metaphor  of  the  worm  and  the  behemoth  (11  10),  of 
the  unrolling  of  a  great  scroll  (30  7),  and  compare  others; 
but  note  also  that  even  where  there  are  no  explicit  figures 
such  as  metaphors  or  similes,  there  is  an  habitual  sugges- 
tion of  images.  The  passage  from  32  33  to  33  2  shows 
how  De  Quincey,  so  to  speak,  thought  in  images. 

Combined  with  this  imaginative  and  figurative  cast  it  is 
somewhat  surprising  to  find,  what  is  equally  characteristic 
of  De  Quincey,  a  peculiarly  fine  precision.  The  only  way 
to  appreciate  this  justly  is  to  scrutinize  his  words,  to  test 
them  with  the  aid  of  a  good  dictionary.  In  the  notes 
many  words  are  marked  for  such  examination.  Often  the 
nicety  of  a  phrase  will  be  found  to  reside  in  the  suggestion 
of  its  etymology.  De  Quincey  felt  this  keenly.  In  fact, 
he  went  even  to  the  extent  of  pedantry  in  refining  upon 
derivatives  from  Greek  and  Latin. 

Greek  and  Latin  derivatives,  especially  the  latter,  pre- 
dominate in  his  writing,  partly  because  he  was  fond  of  the 
classics,  partly  because  he  preferred  dignified  and  sonorous 
phrases,  mainly  because  he  insisted  upon  elegant  precision. 
Examine,  for  instance,  the  proportion  of  classical  deriva- 
tives in  paragraphs  2  and  3,  express  some  of  the  sentences 
in  native  words,  and  note  the  different  effect.  It  will  be 
simpler,  more  direct;  but  simplicity  and  directness  are  not 
'  Life  of  De  Quincey,  p.  193. 


xxxviii  INTRODUCTION 

in  De  Quincey's  aim  or  habit.  Even  these  "  barbarous  and 
semi-humanised  "  Kalmucks  are  made  to  express  themselves 
with  the  same  choiceness  and  dignity.  Everybody  in  the 
story  talks  like  De  Quincey,  and  De  Quincey  always  talks 
like  himself.  And  instead  of  judging  the  work  by  a 
standard  he  would  not  have  owned,  instead  of  dwelling 
on  those  aspects  in  which  it  is  inferior  alike  to  the  latest 
pamphlet  of  special  research  and  the  latest  dialect  story,  it 
is  much  more  profitable  to  keep  in  mind  his  ideal  of  elegant 
precision  subservient  to  a  high  imagination,  and  to  observe 
how  nearly  that  ideal  was  attained. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  TEACHERS 

The  list  of  books  in  Appendix  A  is  intended  for  such 
teachers  as  wish  to  make  more  than  a  superficial  examina- 
tion of  the  historical  basis.  Appendices  B  and  0  are 
intended  for  the  student  also;  but  these  and  all  the  rest  of 
the  critical  apparatus  should  be  postponed  until  the  essay 
has  been  carefully  read. 

For  the  life  of  De  Quincey  nothing  should  be  allowed 
to  take  the  place  of  De  Quincey's  own  records,  especially 
since  he  never  wrote  so  well  as  when  he  wrote  of  himself. 
The  briefest,  most  orderly,  most  convenient  biography  is 
that  by  Leslie  Stephen  in  the  "  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography."  Professor  Masson's  biography  in  the  Eng- 
lish Men  of  Letters  Series  (Harper  and  Brothers)  con- 
tains a  compact  body  of  valuable  criticism.  The  "  Life  of 
De  Quincey  ".by  H.  A.Page  (2  vols.,  New  York,  1877) 
contains  many  interesting  letters,  but  is  ill  put  together. 
Mr.  Page,  this  time  under  his  proper  name.  Dr.  Alex- 
ander H.  Japp,  has  collected  two  more  volumes  of  letters 
and  comment  under  the  title  of  "  De  Quincey  Memo- 
rials" (United  States  Book  Co.,  1891).  The  collection 
corrects  one's  impressions  of  De  Quincey  in  minor  de- 
tails, but  hardly  adds  anything  to  the  total  estimate.  Mr. 
James  Hogg  has  collected  in  one  volume  the  most  in- 
teresting published  reminiscences  of  De  Quincey,  and  has 
added  some  equally  interesting  reminiscences  of  his  own 
("De  Quincey  and  his  Friends":  London,  1895).  This 
collection  relates  mainly  to  the  Edinburgh  period.  It  con- 
tains, among  less  important  matter,  Woodhouse's  notes  of 
conversations  with  De  Quincey,  John  Hill  Burton's  chap- 


Xl        SUGGESTIONS  FOR   TEACHERS 

ter  entitled  "  Papaverius  "  in  "The  Book  Hunter,"  and 
the  recollections  of  Findlay,  Colin  Eae-Brown,  Jacox,  and 
James  Payn.  Dr.  Shad  worth  Hodgson's  "  The  Genius  of 
De  Quincey,"  is  also  reprinted  from  "  Outcast  Essays." 

The  most  careful  and  specific  examination  of  the  style 
of  De  Quincey  will  be  found  in  Minto's  "  Manual  of  Eng- 
lish Prose  Literature"  (Ginn  and  Co.),  part  i.,  chapter  i. 
Among  Professor  Masson's  earlier  essays  is  one  on  De 
Quincey's  "impassioned  prose  "("  Wordsworth,  Shelley, 
Keats,  and  Other  Essays,"  p.  257).  Finally,  Professor 
Masson's  new  edition  of  De  Quincey's  works  (Edinburgh: 
Adam  and  Charles  Black)  should  be  consulted  freely. 

Believing  that  the  study  of  literature  in  preparatory 
schools  may  be  orderly  and  definite  without  losing  either 
its  value  or  its  interest,  the  editor  has  grouped  his  remarks 
on  the  style  under  specific  headings.  The  purpose  of  this 
definiteness  is,  not  to  insist  on  certain  terms,  nor  to  exclude 
other  sorts  of  comment.  It  aims  simply  to  help  the  stu- 
dent to  order  his  impressions,  and  to  suggest  to  the  teacher 
a  method.  The  terms  there  used  are  at  the  basis  of  Professor 
Wendell's  "  English  Composition;  "  they  appear  also  in  the 
text-books  of  Professors  Genung,^  Hill,  and  Carpenter;  and, 
finally,  they  are  themselves  suggestive.  For  all  these 
reasons  tliey  seem  to  offer  one  convenient  means  toward 
combining  the  study  of  literature  with  the  study  of  rheto- 
ric, the  examination  of  models  with  the  actual  practice 
in  composition. 

Another  method  of  combination  is  the  obvious  one  of 
making  the  pupil  write  essays  about  the  book  he  is  reading. 
It  is  customary,  for  instance,  to  require  summaries  of  the 
pieces  read,  and  compositions  on  their  various  phases.  In 
this  sort  of  work  two  methods  are  useful — first,  to  set  top- 
ics for  detached  paragraphs  (De  Quincey's  Object  in 
Writing  the  Piece,  De  Quincey's  Peculiar  Habits,  The  Plan 
«  For  emphasis  Professor  Genung's  terra  is  proportion. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  TEACHERS  x\\ 

of  Zebek  Dorchi,  The  Eelations  of  the  Kalmucks  to  Russia, 
etc.),  insisting  on  a  fair  degree  of  unity  in  each  paragraph; 
second,  to  inculcate  habits  of  order  by  furnishing  at  the 
beginning  plans  for  the  more  extended  essays.  Take  a 
single  instance : 
De  Quincey's  Knowledge  of  the  Classics. 

1.  The  training  of  an  English  boy  in  Latin  and  Greek 
is  long  and  thorough. 

2.  In  De  Quincey's  case  this  training  was  made  still 
more  effective  by  his  bent  in  that  direction. 

3.  The  value  of  such  training,  in  general,  is — etc. 

4.  In  De  Quincey's  writing  this  training  appears — etc. 

The  putting  of  such  paragraph  summaries  into  sen- 
tences, instead  of  mere  topical  headings,  tends  to  induce 
paragraph  unity.  Care  in  expressing  the  connection  be- 
tween these  sentences  induces  coherence  in  the  whole  com- 
position.^ After  setting  two  or  three  such  plans,  the 
teacher  may  call  upon  the  pupil  to  provide  his  own. 

But  if,  instead  of  writing  only  about  this  piece,  the 
student  should  try  his  own  hand  at  scenes  from  the  battle 
of  Marathon,  or  the  march  of  Hannibal,  or  some  of  the 
famous  expeditions  referred  to  in  paragraph  20,  and  "re- 
quired "  for  entrance  examinations,  the  practice  might  bo 
at  least  equally  valuable.  At  any  rate,  he  might  then 
cease  to  tliink  that  his  composition  must  be  about  litera- 
ture, must  be  critical,  and  might  discover  its  vital  rela- 
tion to  his  other  studies. 

Every  pupil  of  any  imagination  will  be  interested  in  De 
Quincey's  "  Confessions,"  and  the  kindred  pieces  of  remi- 
niscence. Read  selections  from  these  pieces  in  class,  and 
encourage  further  reading  at  home.*    That  will  do  quite 

'  This  method  is  followed  in  the  paragraph  summaries  of  the  notes. 

'  The  English  Mail  Coach  is  published  in  Cassell's  National  Li- 
brary (paper)  at  ten  cents,  together  with  Murder  Considered  as  One 
of  the  Fine  Arts.    The  latter  is  neither  so  useful  nor  so  interesting. 


xlii  SUGGESTIONS  FOE  TEACHERS 

as  much  in  some  cases  as  specific  study.  Moreover,  these 
are  more  characteristic  of  De  Quincey  aud  better  as  litera- 
ture thau  the  "  Eevolt  of  the  Tartars."  And,  finally,  it 
is  not  necessary  to  apply  the  study  of  a  piece  of  literature 
to  the  study  of  composition.  For  further  suggestions  the 
teacher  is  referred  to  the  preceding  pages  on  style  and  to 
the  notes. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 


xliii 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


(Compiled  from  "  Lowndes's  Bibliographer's  Manual,"  The  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography,  Ryland's  "  Chronological  Outlines  of  English  Literature,''  and  Whit- 
comb's  "Chronological  Outlines  of  American  Literature.") 


Life  of  De  Quincey. 


CONTKMPORART 
LlTEBATURE. 


Contemporary  History. 


1785.  De  Quincey  bom. 


1788.  Byron  bom. 


ITflO. 


1798. 


Burke,  Reflections  on 
the  Revolution  in 
France. 

Shelley  bom. 


1796.  Bath  Orammar  School. 


1800.  Wlnkfleld   School. 

Visit  to  Ireland  with 
Lord  Westport,  and 
to  Lady  Carbery  at 
Lax  ton. 

1801.  Manchester  Grammar 

School. 

1802.  Escape   from    school. 

Wanderings  in 
Wales  and  London. 

1803.  Oxford :    Worcester 

College. 


1807.  Meeting    with     Cole- 

ridge   and    Words- 
worth. 

1808.  London,     brief     law 

studies. 

1809.  Grasmere. 


1796.  Carlyle  and  Keats  born. 


1798. 


1800. 


Wordsworth  and  Cole- 
ridge, Lyrical  Bal- 
lads. 

Macaulay  bora. 


1805. 
1806. 


1810. 
1811. 
1812. 


Scott,  Lay  of  the  Last 

Minstrel. 
Coleridge,  Christabel. 


Scott,  The  Lady  of  the 

Lake. 
Jane    Austen,    Sense 

and  Sensibility. 
Byron,  Childe  Harold 

(i.  and  ii.). 


1814.  Scott,  Waverlcy. 


1788.  United  States  Con- 

stitution ratified 
by  eleven  States. 

1789.  Washington     Presi- 

dent. Opening  of 
the  French  Revo- 
lution. 


1798.  Whitney      Invented 
the  cotton-gin. 


1797.  John  Adams  Presi; 
dent. 


1800.  Union  of  Great  Bri- 
tain and  Ireland. 


1801.  Jefferson  President. 

1803.  Louisiana  Parchaee. 

1804.  Napoleon  Emperor. 


1809.  Madison  President 


1812-14.  War  between 
England  and  the 
United  States. 


xliv 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 
CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE.-  Continued. 


LrPK  OF  De  Quincbt. 


1816.  Married  Margaret 
Simpson. 

1819.  Studies  in  political 
economy.  Editor  of 
the  Westmoreland 
Gazette. 


1821.  London.  Confessions 
of  an  English  Opi- 
um-Eater*  and 
translations  from 
Riciiter  in  Tiie  Lon- 
don  Magazine 
Other  articles  (1822- 
1824) :  Letters  to  a 
Young  Man  whose 
Education  has  been 
Neglected,  Rosicru- 
cians  and  Freema- 
sons, Dialogues  of 
Three  Templars. 


1826.  Translation    of    Less- 

ing's  LaocoOn. 

1827.  Murder  Considered  as 

one  of  the  Fine  Arts 
(in  Blackwood's 
Edinburgh  Maga- 
zine). 
1828-33.  Edinburgh.  Arti- 
cles in  Blackwood 
Toilette  of  a  Hetrrew 
Lady,  Br.  Parr  and 
his  Contemporaries, 
The  Caesars  (a  se- 
ries), Charlemagne, 
Traditions  of  the 
Bobbins. 


CONTBMPOKART 
LiTEKATUBE. 


CONTBMPOBABT  HiSTOBT. 


1815. 


1816. 


1818. 
1819. 


1820. 


Wordsworth,  The 
White  Doe  of  Ryl- 
stone. 

Shelley,  Alastor. 

Keats,  Endyroion. 

Byron,  Don  Juan  (i. 
and  ii.).  Irving,t 
The  Sketch-Book 

Keats,  Lamia,  and 
other  poems.  Scott, 
Ivanhoe.  Shelley, 
Prometheus  Un- 
bound. 


1822. 
1824. 


1825. 


1827. 


Lamb,  Essays  of  Elia, 
Landor,     Imaginary 

Conversations  (i.) 
Macaulay, 

Milton. 


Alfred    and     Charles 
Tennyson,  Poems. 


1828.  Irving,t  Colambas. 


1830.  Tennyson,    Poems, 
Chiefly  Lyrical. 


1815. 


1819, 


1821. 


Battle  of  Waterloo. 
Stevenson's  first 
locomotive. 


Purchase  of  Florida. 
Steamers  began  to 
cross  the  Atlantic. 


War  of  Grecian  in- 
dependence. 


1825. 


J.  Q.  Adams  Presi- 
dent. 


1829. 


1830. 


Jackson  President. 
Catholic  Emanci- 
pation Act  in  Eng- 
land. 

William  IV.  King  of 
England. 


*  The  titles  of  De  Quincey's  works  are  indicated  by  italics, 
t  American  authors  are  thus  indicated. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 

CHRONOLOGICAL  TASLR.- Cmtinued. 


xhr 


LiPB  OF  Dk  Quihcky. 


183S.  Klotterhdm  (a  novel). 


1834-40.  Autobiographic 
sketches  in  Tait's 
Edinburgh  Maga- 
zine. 


1837.  Mrs.  De  Qnincey  died. 
Shakgpere,  Pofpe  (in 
EncyclopsBdia  Bri- 
tannica).  Flight  of 
A  Tartar  Tbibb 
(in  Blackwood). 

1840.  Cottage  (Mavis  Bush) 
at  Lasswade. 

1840-46.  Articles  in  Black- 
wood :  The  Essenes, 
Style  and  Rhetoric, 
Homer  and  the  IIo- 
meridCE,  Berkeley 
and  Idealism,  Ci- 
cero, Benjamin  qf 
Tudela,  The  Logic 
qf  Political  Econo- 
my, Saspiria  de 
Prqfundis. 

1841-43.  Glasgow,  long  vis- 
its at  the  houses  of 
Professor  Lushing- 
ton  and  Professor 
Nichol. 


1847.  Glasgow  again,  in 
lodgings,  to  assist  in 
establishing  the  new 
North  British  Daily 
Mail  and  the  trans- 
ferred Tait's  Maga- 
zine. The  Spanish 
Military  Nun,  Joan 
qfArc. 


1833. 


1836. 
1887. 


1838. 
1840. 


Contemporary 
Literature. 


1831.  Poe,t  Poems.  Whit- 
tier,+  Legends  of 
New  Englaud. 


Carlyle,  Sartor  Besar- 
tus.  Browning, 
Pauline. 


Dickens,  Pickwick. 
Holmes,t  Poems. 

Carlyle,  The  French 
Revolution.  Pres- 
cott,t  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella.  Haw- 
thome,t  Twice-Told 
Tales. 

Dickens,  Nicholas 
Nickleby. 

Poe,+  Tales  of  the 
Grotesque  and  Ara- 
besque. 


Browning,  Pippa 
Passes.  Carlyle,  He- 
roes and  Hero- Wor- 
ship.    Emerson, t 


Contbxpobabt  Hibtobt. 


1832.  English  Reform  Bill 


1833.  Abolition  of  slavery 
throughout  the 
British  Empire. 


1837.  Van  Buren  Presi- 
dent. Victoria 
Queen  of  Eng- 
land. 


1841. 


1843.  Macaulay,  Essays. 
Rnsktn,  Modern 
Painters  (I.). 

1845.  Carlyle,  Cromwell 
Poe,+  The  Raven  and 
Other  Poems. 

1847.  Charlotte  Bronte,  Jane 
Eyre.  Tennyson, 
The  Princess. 
Thackeray,  Vanity 
Fair.  Longfellow.t 
Evangeline. 


1841.  Harrison   President. 
Tyler  President. 


1844.  Morse  telegraph. 

1845.  Polk  President. 
1845-48.  War  between  the 

United  States  and 
Mexico. 


xlvi 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 
CHRONOLOGICAL  ThSLE.- Concluded. 


Life  op  De  Quincey. 


184a-59.  Edinburgh,  most  of 
the  time  in  lodgings. 

1849.  The  English  MaU 
Coach. 


1851-68.  American  collective 
edition  of  De  Quin- 
cey'e  works  (J.  T. 
Fields). 


1863.  Engilish  collective  edi 
tion  (James  Hogg) 
begun. 


1867.  Visit    to    hie    eldest 
daughter,  Mrs 
Craig,  in  Ireland. 


1850.  Death,  December  8th, 


Contemporary 
Literature. 


1848. 


1850. 


Macaulay,  History  of 
England  (i.  and  ii.) 
Lowell,  +  A  Fable  for 
Critics. 

Tennyson,  In  Memo 
riam.  Hawthorne,t 
The  Scarlet  Letter. 


1854. 
1856. 


1869. 


Thoreau,t  Walden. 

Motlevjt  The  Rise  of 

the  Dutch  Bepublic. 


Tennyson,  Idylls  of  the 
King. 

George  Eliot,  Adam 
Bede.  Georjge  Mere- 
dith, Richard  Fev 
erel. 


Contemporary  History. 


1848.  Second  French  Re- 

public. Gold  dis- 
covered in  Cali- 
fornia. 

1849.  Taylor  President. 

1850.  Fillmore  President. 


1852.  Napoleon  m.  Em- 

peror. 

1853.  Pierce  President 


1854.  Crimean  War. 


1857. 


1859. 


Buchanan  President. 
The  Dred  Scott 
decision. 


Darwin  published 
The  Origin  of  Spe- 
cies. John  Brown's 
raid  on  Harper's 
Ferry. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 


PERSONS   OF   THE   STORY.* 

OuBACHA,  Khan  of  the  Kalmucks. 

Zebek-Doechi,  a  Kalmuck  chief,  instigator  of  the  flight. 

Erempel,  father-in-law  to  Zehek-Dorchi,   I  .     ,  .,,„,■, 

conspirators  imth  Zebek. 
LoosANG-DcHALTZAN,    Grand    Lama  of  r     Dq^-cM 

the  Volga  Kalmucks,  J 

Weseloff,  a  Russian  gentleman,  prisoner  among  the  Kalmucks, 
Elizabeth  Petrowna,  Empress  of  Russia. 
Catherine  II.,  Empress  of  Russia,  successor  to  Elizabeth. 
KiKN  Long,  Emperor  of  China. 
Beketoff,  Russian  Governor  of  Astrakhan. 
KiCHiNSKOi,  Russia/n  Commissioner  to  the  Volga  Kalmucks. 
Traxibenberg,  general  in  command  of  the  Russia/n  pursuit. 

*  Inserted  by  the  editor. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

OR,    PLIGHT    OP    THE     KALMUCK    KHAN     AND     HIS 

PEOPLE   FROM    THE    RUSSIAN   TERRITORIES 

TO  THE    FRONTIERS   OP   CHINA 

1.  There  is  no  great  event  in  modern  history,  or,  per- 
haps it  may  be  said  more  broadly,  none  in  all  history, 
from  its  earliest  records,  less  generally  known,  or  more 
striking  to  the  imagination,  than  the  flight  eastwards  of 
a  principal  Tartar  nation  across  the  boundless  steppes  of  5 
Asia  in  the  latter  half  of  the  last  century.  The  ter- 
minus a  quo  of  this  flight,  and  the  terminus  ad  quern,  are 
equally  magnificent;  the  mightiest  of  Christian  thrones 
being  the  one,  the  mightiest  of  Pagan  the  other.  And 
the  grandeur  of  these  two  terminal  objects  is  harmoni-  10 
ously  supported  by  the  romantic  circumstances  of  the 
flight.  Iq  the  abruptness  of  its  commencement,  and 
the  fierce  velocity  of  its  execution,  we  read  the  wild 
barbaric  character  of  those  who  conducted  the  move- 
ment. In  the  unity  of  purpose  connecting  this  myriad  15 
of  wills,  and  in  the  blind  but  unerring  aim  at  a  mark 
80  remote,  there  is  something  which  recalls  to  the  mind 
those  almighty  instincts  that  propel  the  migrations  of  the 
swallow  and  the  leeraing,  or  the  life-withering  marches 
of  the  locust.  Then,  again,  in  the  gloomy  vengeance  30 
of  Kussia  and  her  vast  artillery,  which  liung  upon  the 
rear  and  the  skirts  of  the  fugitive  vassals,  we  are  re- 
minded of  Miltonic  images — such,  for  instance,  as  that 


6  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

this  dignity  he  had  already  wielded  since  his  fourteenth 
year,  in  quality  of  Vice-Khan,  by  the  express  appoint- 
ment and  with  the  avowed  support  of  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment. He  was  now  about  eighteen  years  of  age, 
5  amiable  in  his  personal  character,  and  not  without  titles 
to  respect  in  his  public  character  as  a  sovereign  prince. 
In  times  more  peaceable,  and  amongst  a  people  more  en- 
tirely civilised,  or  more  humanised  by  religion,  it  is  even 
probable  that  he  might  have  discharged  his  high  duties 

10  with  considerable  distinction.  But  his  lot  was  thrown 
upon  stormy  times,  and  a  most  difficult  crisis  amongst 
tribes  whose  native  ferocity  was  exasperated  by  debasing 
forms  of  superstition,  and  by  a  nationality  as  well  as  an 
inflated  conceit  of  their  own  merit  absolutely  unpar- 

15  alleled,  whilst  the  circumstances  of  their  hard  and  trying 
position  under  the  jealous  surveillance  of  an  irresistible 
lord  paramount,  in  the  person  of  the  Eussian  Czar, 
gave  a  fiercer  edge  to  the  natural  unamiableness  of  the 
Kalmuck  disposition,  and  irritated  its  gloomier  qualities 

20  into  action  under  the  restless  impulses  of  suspicion  and 
permanent  distrust.  No  prince  could  hope  for  a  cordial 
allegiance  from  his  subjects  or  a  peaceful  reign  under  the 
circumstances  of  the  case;  for  the  dilemma  in  which  a 
Kalmuck  ruler  stood  at  present  was  of  this  nature:  want- 

25  ing  the  sanction  and  support  of  the  Czar,  he  was  inevitably 
too  weak  from  without  to  command  confidence  from  his 
subjects,  or  resistance  to  his  competitors;  on  the  other 
hand,  with  this  kind  of  support,  and  deriving  his  title 
in  any  degree  from  the  favour  of  the  Imperial  Court,  he 

30  became  almost  in  that  extent  an  object  of  hatred  at 
home,  and  within  the  whole  compass  of  his  own  terri- 
tory. He  was  at  once  an  object  of  hatred  for  the  past, 
being  a  living  monument  of  national  icfdependence  igno- 
miniously  surrendered,  and  an  object  of  jealousy  for  the 

35  future,  as  one  who  had  already  advertised  himself  to  be 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  7 

a  fitting  tool  for  the  ultimate  purposes  (whatsoever  those 
might  prove  to  be)  of  the  Russian  Court.     Coming  him- 
self to  the  Kalmuck  sceptre  under  the  heaviest  weight 
of  prejudice  from  the  unfortunate  circumstances  of  his 
position,  it  might  have   been   expected   that   Oubacha   5 
would  have  been  pre-eminently  an  object  of  detestation ; 
for,  besides  his  known  dependence  upon  the  Cabinet  of 
St.  Petersburg,  the  direct  line  of  succession  had  been 
set  aside,  and  the  principle  of  inheritance  violently  sus- 
pended, in  favour  of  his  own  father,  so  recently  as  nine-  10 
teen  years  before  the  era  of  his  own  accession,  conse- 
quently within  the  lively  remembrance  of  the  existing 
generation.    He  therefore,  almost  equally  with  his  father, 
stood  within  the  full  current  of  the  national  prejudices, 
and  might  have  anticipated  the  most  pointed  hostility.  15 
But  it  was  not  so:  such  are  the  caprices  in  human  affairs 
that  he  was  even,  in  a  moderate  sense,  popular — a  bene- 
fit which  bore  the  more  cheering  aspect,  and  the  prom 
ises  of  permanence,  inasmuch  as  he  owed  it  exclusively 
to  his  personal  qualities  of  kindness  and  affability,  as  20 
well  as  to  the  beneficence  of  his  government.     On  the 
other  hand,  to  balance  this  unlooked-for  prosperity  at 
the  outset  of  his  reign,  he  met  with  a  rival  in  popular 
favour — almost  a  competitor — in  the  person  of  Zebek 
Dorchi,  a  prince  with  considerable   pretensions  to  the  25 
throne,  and  perhaps,  it  might  be  said,  with  equal  pre- 
tensions.    Zebek-Dorchi  was  a  direct  descendant  of  the 
same  royal  house  as  himself,  through  a  different  branch. 
On  public  grounds,  his  claim  stood,  perhaps,  on  a  footing 
equally  good  with  that  of  Oubacha,  whilst  his  personal  30 
qualities,  even  in  those  aspects  which  seemed  to  a  philo- 
sophical observer  most  odious  and  repulsive,  promised 
the  most  effectual  aid  to  the  dark  purposes  of  an  in- 
triguer or  a  conspirator,  and  were  generally  fitted  to 
win  a  popular  support  precisely  in  those  points  where  35 


8  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

Oubacha  was  most  defective.  He  was  much  superior  in 
external  appearance  to  his  rival  on  the  tlirone,  and  so 
far  better  qualified  to  win  the  good  opinion  of  a  semi- 
barbarous  people;  whilst  his  dark  intellectual  qualities 
5  of  Machiavelian  dissimulation,  profound  hypocrisy,  and 
perfidy  which  knew  no  touch  of  remorse,  were  admir- 
ably calculated  to  sustain  any  ground  which  he  might 
win  from  the  simple-hearted  people  with  whom  he  had 
to  deal,  and  from  the  frank  carelessness  of  his  uncon- 

10  scious  competitor. 

5.  At  the  very  outset  of  his  treacherous  career,  Zebek- 
Dorchi  was  sagacious  enough  to  perceive  that  nothing 
could  be  gained  by  open  declaration  of  hostility  to  the 
reigning  prince :  the  choice  had  been  a  deliberate  act  on 

15  the  part  of  Kussia,  and  Elizabeth  Petrowna  was  not  the 
person  to  recall  her  own  favours  with  levity,  or  upon 
slight  grounds.  Openly,  therefore,  to  have  declared 
his  enmity  towards  his  relative  on  the  throne  could  have 
had  no  effect  but  that  of  arming  suspicions  against  his 

30  own  ulterior  purposes  in  a  quarter  where  it  was  most 
essential  to  his  interest  that,  for  the  present,  all  suspicion 
should  be  hoodwinked.  Accordingly,  after  much  medi- 
tation, the  course  he  took  for  opening  his  snares  was 
this: — He   raised   a  rumour  that  his  own  life  was  in 

25  danger  from  the  plots  of  several  Saissang  (that  is,  Kal- 
muck nobles),  who  were  leagued  together,  under  aij 
oath,  to  assassinate  him;  and  immediately  after,  assunv 
ing  a  well-counterfeited  alarm,  he  fled  to  Tcherkask,  fol- 
lowed by  sixty-five  tents.     From  this  place  he  kept  up  a 

30  correspondence  with  the  Imperial  Court;  and,  by  way 
of  soliciting  his  cause  more  effectually,  he  soon  repaired 
in  person  to  St.  Petersburg.  Once  admitted  to  personal 
conferences  with  the  cabinet,  he  found  no  difficulty  in 
winning  over  the  Eussian  counsels  to  a  concurrence  with 

35  some  of  his  political  views,  and  thus  covertly  introduc- 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  9 

ing  the  point  of  that  wedge  which  was  finally  to  accom- 
plish his  purposes.  In  particular,  he  persuaded  the 
Russian  Government  to  make  a  very  important  altera- 
tion in  the  constitution  of  the  Kalmuck  State  Council, 
which  in  effect  re-organised  the  whole  political  condition  5 
of  the  state,  and  disturbed  the  balance  of  power  as  pre- 
viously adjusted.  Of  this  council — in  the  Kalmuck  lan- 
guage called  Sarga — there  were  eight  members,  called 
Sargatchi;  and  hitherto  it  had  been  the  custom  that 
these  eight  members  should  be  entirely  subordinate  to  10 
the  Khan ;  holding,  in  fact,  the  ministerial  character  of 
secretaries  and  assistants,  but  in  no  respect  acting  as 
co-ordinate  authorities.  That  had  produced  some  incon- 
veniences in  former  reigns;  and  it  was  easy  for  Zebek- 
Dorchi  to  point  the  jealousy  of  the  Russian  Court  to  15 
others  more  serious,  which  might  arise  in  future  circum- 
stances of  war  or  other  contingencies.  It  was  resolved, 
therefore,  to  place  the  Sargatchi  henceforwards  on  a  foot- 
ing of  perfect  independence,  and  therefore  (as  regarded 
responsibility)  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  the  Khan.  20 
Their  independence,  however,  had  respect  only  to  their 
own  sovereign;  for  towards  Russia  they  were  placed  in 
a  new  attitude  of  direct  duty  and  accountability,  by  the 
creation  in  their  favour  of  small  pensions  (300  roubles  a- 
year),  which,  however,  to  a  Kalmuck  of  that  day  were  25 
more  considerable  than  might  be  supposed,  and  had  a 
farther  value  as  marks  of  honorary  distinction  emanating 
from  a  great  empress.  Thus  far  the  purposes  of  Zebek- 
Dorchi  were  served  effectually  for  the  moment:  but, 
apparently,  it  was  only  for  the  moment;  since,  in  the  30 
further  development  of  his  plots,  this  very  dependency 
upon  Russian  influence  would  be  the  most  serious 
obstacle  in  his  way.  There  was,  however,  another  point 
carried  which  outweighed  all  inferior  considerations,  as 
it  gave  him  a  power  of  setting  aside  discretioually  what-  35 


10  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

soever  should  arise  to  disturb  his  plots:  he  was  himself 
appointed  President  and  Controller  of  the  Sargatchi. 
The  Russian  Court  had  been  aware  of  his  high  preten- 
sions by  birth,  and  hoped  by  this  promotion  to  satisfy 
5  the  ambition  which,  in  some  degree,  was  acknowledged 
to  be  a  reasonable  passion  for  any  man  occupying  his 
situation. 

6.  Having  thus  completely  blindfolded  the  Cabinet  of 
Russia,  Zebek-Dorchi  proceeded  in  his  new  character  to 

10  fulfil  his  political  mission  with  the  Khan  of  the  Kal- 
mucks. So  artfully  did  he  prepare  the  road  for  his 
favourable  reception  at  the  court  of  this  prince,  that  he 
was  at  once  and  universally  welcomed  as  a  benefactor. 
The  pensions  of  the  counsellors  were  so  much  additional 

15  wealth  poured  into  the  Tartar  exchequer;  as  to  the  ties 
of  dependency  thus  created,  experience  had  not  yet 
enlightened  these  simple  tribes  as  to  that  result.  And 
that  he  himself  should  bo  the  chief  of  these  mercenary 
counsellors  was  so  far  from  being  charged  upon  Zebek 

30  as  any  offence  or  any  ground  of  suspicion,  that  his 
relative  the  Khan  returned  him  hearty  thanks  for  his 
services,  under  the  belief  that  he  could  have  accepted 
this  appointment  only  Avith  a  view  to  keep  out  other 
and  more  unwelcome  pretenders,  who  Avould  not  have 

25  had  the  same  motives  of  consanguinity  or  friendship 
for  executing  its  duties  in  a  spirit  of  kindness  to  the 
Kalmucks.  The  first  use  which  he  made  of  his  new 
functions  about  the  Khan's  person  was  to  attack  the 
Court  of  Russia,  by  a  romantic  villainy  not  easy  to  be 

30  credited,  for  those  very  acts  of  interference  with  the 
council  which  he  himself  had  prompted.  This  was  a 
dangerous  step :  but  it  was  indispensable  to  his  further 
advance  upon  the  gloomy  path  which  he  had  traced  out 
for  himself.      A  triple  vengeance  was  what  he  medi- 

35tated:  1.   upon  the  Russian  Cabinet  for  having  under- 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  H 

valued  his  own  pretensions  to  the  throne;  2.  upon  his 
amiable  rival  for  having  supplanted  him;  and,  3.  upon 
all  those  of  the  nobility  who  had  manifested  their  sense 
of  his  weakness  by  their  neglect,  or  their  sense  of  his 
perfidious  character  by  their  suspicions.  Here  was  a  5 
colossal  outline  of  wickedness;  and  by  one  in  his  situa- 
tion, feeble  (as  it  might  seem)  for  the  accomplishment  of 
its  humblest  parts,  how  was  the  total  edifice  to  be  reared 
in  its  comprehensive  grandeur  ?  He,  a  worm  as  he  was, 
could  he  venture  to  assail  the  mighty  behemoth  of  Mus-  10 
covy,  the  potentate  who  counted  three  hundred  languages 
around  the  footsteps  of  his  throne,  and  from  whose 
"lion  ramp"  recoiled  alike  "baptized  and  infidel" — 
Christendom  on  the  one  side,  strong  by  her  intellect 
and  her  organisation,  and  the  "  Barbaric  East "  on  the  ]5 
other,  with  her  unnumbered  numbers  ?  The  match  was 
a  monstrous  one;  but  in  its  very  monstrosity  there  lay 
this  germ  of  encouragement,  that  it  could  not  be  sus- 
pected. The  very  hopelessness  of  the  scheme  grounded 
his  hope,  and  he  resolved  to  execute  a  vengeance  which  20 
should  involve,  as  it  were,  in  the  unity  of  a  well-laid 
tragic  fable,  all  whom  he  judged  to  be  his  enemies. 
That  vengeance  lay  in  detaching  from  the  Russian 
Empire  the  whole  Kalmuck  nation,  and  breaking  up 
that  system  of  intercourse  which  had  thus  far  been  25 
beneficial  to  both.  This  last  was  a  consideration  which 
moved  him  but  little.  True  it  was,  that  Russia  to  the 
Kalmucks  had  secured  lands  and  extensive  pasturage; 
true  it  was,  that  the  Kalmucks  reciprocally  to  Russia 
had  furnished  a  powerful  cavalry.  But  the  latter  loss  30 
would  be  part  of  his  triumph,  and  the  former  might  be 
more  than  compensated  in  other  climates  under  other 
sovereigns.  Here  was  a  scheme  which,  in  its  final 
accomplishment,  would  avenge  him  bitterly  on  the 
Czarina,  and  in  the  course  of  its  accomplishment  might  35 


13  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

furnish  him  with  ample  occasions  for  removing  his 
other  enemies.  It  may  be  readily  supposed,  indeed, 
that  he  who  could  deliberately  raise  his  eyes  to  the  Rus- 
sian autocrat  as  an  antagonist  in  single  duel  with  him- 
5  self  was  not  likely  to  feel  much  anxiety  about  Kalmuck 
enemies  of  whatever  rank.  He  took  his  resolution, 
therefore,  sternly  and  irrevocably  to  effect  this  astonish- 
ing translation  of  an  ancient  people  across  the  pathless 
deserts  of  Central  Asia,  intersected  continually  by  rapid 

10  rivers,  rarely  furnished  with  bridges,  and  of  which  the 
fords  were  known  only  to  those  who  might  think  it  for 
their  interest  to  conceal  them,  through  many  nations  in- 
hospitable or  hostile;  frost  and  snow  around  them  (from 
the  necessity  of  commencing  their  flight  in  winter), 

15  famine  in  their  front,  and  the  sabre,  or  even  the  artil- 
lery of  an  offended  and  mighty  empress,  hanging  upon 
their  rear  for  thousands  of  miles.  But  what  was  to  be 
their  final  mark — the  port  of  shelter  after  so  fearful 
a  course  of  wandering?     Two  things  were  evident:  it 

20  must  be  some  power  at  a  great  distance  from  Russia,  so 
as  to  make  return  even  in  that  view  hopeless;  and  it 
must  be  a  power  of  sufficient  rank  to  insure  them  pro- 
tection from  any  hostile  efforts  on  the  part  of  the 
Czarina  for  reclaiming   them,  or  for  chastising    their 

25  revolt.  Both  conditions  were  united  obviously  in  the 
person  of  Kien  Long,  the  reigning  Emperor  of  China, 
who  was  further  recommended  to  them  by  his  respect 
for  the  head  of  their  religion.  To  China,  therefore, 
and,  as  their  first  rendezvous,  to  the  shadow  of  the 

80  great  Chinese  Wall,  it  was  settled  by  Zebek  that  they 
should  direct  their  flight. 

7.  Next  came  the  question  of  time — when  should  the 
flight  commence  ?  and,  finally,  the  more  delicate  question 
as  to  the  choice  of  accomplices.     To  extend  the  knowl- 

35  edge  of  the  conspiracy  too  far  was  to  insure  its  betrayal 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  13 

to  the  Russian  Government.  Yet,  at  some  stage  of  the 
preparations,  it  was  evident  that  a  very  extensive  confi- 
dence must  be  made,  because  in  no  other  way  could  the 
mass  of  the  Kalmuck  population  be  persuaded  to  furnish 
their  families  with  the  requisite  equipments  for  so  long  a  5 
migration.  This  critical  step,  however,  it  was  resolved  to 
defer  up  to  the  latest  possible  moment,  and,  at  all  events, 
ti)  make  no  general  communication  on  the  subject  until 
the  time  of  departure  should  be  definitely  settled.  In 
the  meantime,  Zebek  admitted  only  three  persons  to  10 
his  confidence;  of  whom  Oubacha,  the  reigning  prince, 
was  almost  necessarily  one;  but  him,  from  his  yielding 
and  somewhat  feeble  character,  he  viewed  rather  in  the 
light  of  a  tool  than  as  one  of  his  active  accomplices. 
Those  whom  (if  anybody)  he  admitted  to  an  unreserved  15 
participation  in  his  counsels  were  two  only:  the  great 
Lama  among  the  Kalmucks,  and  his  own  father-in-law, 
Erempel,  a  ruling  prince  of  some  tribe  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Caspian  Sea,  recommended  to  his  favour, 
not  so  much  by  any  strength  of  talent  corresponding  20 
to  the  occasion,  as  by  his  blind  devotion  to  himself,  and 
his  passionate  anxiety  to  promote  the  elevation  of  his 
daughter  and  son-in-law  to  the  throne  of  the  sovereign 
prince.  A  titular  prince  Zebok  already  was:  but  this 
dignity,  without  the  substantial  accompaniment  of  a  25 
sceptre,  seemed  but  an  empty  sound  to  both  of  these 
ambitious  rebels.  The  other  accomplice,  whose  name 
was  Loosan-Dchaltzan,  and  whose  rank  was  that  of 
Lama,  or  Kalmuck  pontiff,  was  a  person  of  far  more 
distinguished  pretensions;  he  had  something  of  the  30 
same  gloomy  and  terrific  pride  which  marked  the 
character  of  Zebek  himself,  manifesting  also  the  same 
energy,  accompanied  by  the  same  unfaltering  cruelty, 
and  a  natural  facility  of  dissimulation  even  more  pro- 
found.    It  was  by  this  man  that  the  other  question  was  85 


14  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

settled,  as  to  the  time  for  giving  effect  to  their  designs. 
His  own  pontifical  character  had  suggested  to  him 
that,  in  order  to  strengthen  their  influence  with  the 
vast  mob  of  simple-minded  men  whom  they  were  to 
5  lead  into  a  howling  wilderness,  after  persuading  them  to 
lay  desolate  their  own  ancient  hearths,  it  was  indispens- 
able that  they  should  be  able,  in  cases  of  extremity,  to 
plead  the  express  sanction  of  God  for  their  entire  enter- 
prise.   This  could  only  be  done  by  addressing  themselves 

10  to  the  great  head  of  their  religion,  the  Dalai-Lama  of 
Tibet.  Him  they  easily  persuaded  to  countenance  their 
schemes:  and  an  oracle  was  delivered  solemnly  at  Tibet, 
to  the  effect  that  no  ultimate  prosperity  would  attend 
this  great  Exodus  unless  it  were  pursued  through  the 

15  years  of  the  tiger  and  the  hare.  Now,  the  Kalmuck 
custom  is  to  distinguish  their  years  by  attaching  to 
each  a  denomination  taken  from  one  of  twelve  animals, 
the  exact  order  of  succession  being  absolutely  fixed,  so 
that  the  cycle  revolves  of  course  through  a  period  of 

20  a  dozen  years.  Consequently,  if  the  approaching  year 
of  the  tiger  were  suffered  to  escape  them,  in  that 
case  the  expedition  must  be  delayed  for  twelve  years 
more,  within  which  period,  even  were  no  other  unfa- 
vourable changes  to  arise,  it  Avas  pretty  well  foreseen 

25  that  the  Eussian  Government  would  take  the  most 
effectual  means  for  bridling  their  vagrant  propensities 
by  a  ring-fence  of  forts  or  military  posts;  to  say  noth- 
ing of  the  still  readier  plan  for  securing  their  fidelity 
(a  plan  already  talked  of  in  all  quarters)  by  exacting  a 

30  large  body  of  hostages  selected  from  the  families  of  the 
most  influential  nobles.  On  these  cogent  considerations, 
it  was  solemnly  determined  that  this  terrific  experiment 
should  be  made  in  the  next  year  of  the  tiger,  which 
happened  to  fall  upon  the  Christian  year  1771.     With 

35  respect  to  the   month,   there   was,  unhappily  for  the 


REVOLT  OF  THE   TARTARS  15 

Kalmucks,  even  less  latitude  allowed  to  their  choice 
than  with  respect  to  the  year.  It  was  absolutely  neces- 
sary, or  it  was  thought  so,  that  the  different  divisions  of 
the  nation  which  pastured  their  flocks  on  both  banks  of 
the  Wolga  should  have  the  means  of  effecting  an  instan-  5 
taneous  junction;  because  the  danger  of  being  inter- 
cepted by  flying  columns  of  the  imperial  armies  was 
precisely  the  greatest  at  the  outset.  Now,  from  the 
want  of  bridges,  or  sufficient  river  craft  for  transport- 
ing so  vast  a  body  of  men/  the  sole  means  which  could  10 
be  depended  upon  (especially  where  so  many  women, 
children,  and  camels  were  concerned)  was  ice :  and  this, 
in  a  state  of  sufficient  firmness,  could  not  be  absolutely 
counted  upon  before  the  month  of  January.  Hence 
it  happened  that  this  astonishing  Exodus  of  a  whole  15 
nation,  before  so  much  as  a  whisper  of  the  design  had 
begun  to  circulate  amongst  those  whom  it  most  inter- 
ested, before  it  was  even  suspected  that  any  man's 
wishes  pointed  in  that  direction,  had  been  definitively 
appointed  for  January  of  the  year  1771.  And  almost  20 
up  to  the  Christmas  of  1770  the  poor  simple  Kalmuck 
herdsmen  and  their  families  were  going  nightly  to  their 
peaceful  beds,  without  even  dreaming  that  the  fiai  had 
already  gone  forth  from  their  rulers  which  consigned 
those  quiet  abodes,  together  with  the  peace  and  comfort  25 
which  reigned  within  them,  to  a  withering  desolation, 
now  close  at  hand. 

8.  Meantime  war  raged  on  a  great  scale  between 
Russia  and  the  Sultan  ;  and,  until  the  time  arrived 
for  throwing  off  their  vassalage,  it  was  necessary  that  30 
Oubacha  should  contribute  his  usual  contingent  of 
martial  aid.  Nay,  it  had  unfortunately  become  prudent 
that  he  should  contribute  much  more  than  his  usual  aid. 
Human  experience  gives  ample  evidence  that  in  some 
mysterious  and  unaccountable  way  no  great  design  is  35 


16  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

ever  agitated,  no  matter  how  few  or  how  faithful  may 
be  the  participators,  but  that  some  presentiment — some 
dim  misgiving — is  kindled  amongst  those  whom  it  is 
chiefly  important  to  blind.  And,  however  it  might 
5  have  happened,  certain  it  is  that  already,  when  as  yet  no 
syllable  of  the  conspiracy  had  been  breathed  to  any  man 
whose  very  existence  was  not  staked,  upon  its  conceal- 
ment, nevertheless,  some  vague  and.  uneasy  jealousy  had 
arisen  in  the  Russian  Cabinet  as  to  the  future  schemes 

10  of  the  Kalmuck  Khan :  and  very  probable  it  is  that, 
but  for  the  war  then  raging,  and  the  consequent  pru- 
dence of  conciliating  a  very  important  vassal,  or,  at  least, 
of  abstaining  from  what  would  powerfully  alienate  him, 
even  at  that  moment  such  measures  would  have  been 

15  adopted  as  must  for  ever  have  intercepted  the  Kalmuck 
schemes.  Slight  as  were  the  jealousies  of  the  Imperial 
Court,  they  had  not  escaped  the  Machiavelian  eyes  of 
Zebek  and  the  Lama.  And  under  their  guidance  Ou- 
bacha,  bending  to  the  circumstances  of  the  moment, 

20  and  meeting  the  jealousy  of  the  Russian  Court  with 
a  policy  corresponding  to  their  own,  strove  by  unusual 
zeal  to  efface  the  Czarina's  unfavourable  impressions. 
He  enlarged  the  scale  of  his  contributions,  and  that  so 
prodigiously  that  he  absolutely  carried  to  head-quarters 

25  a  force  of  35,000  cavalry  fully  equipped :  some  go  fur- 
ther, and  rate  the  amount  beyond  40,000;  but  the 
smaller  estimate  is,  at  all  events,  within  the  truth. 

9.  With  this  magnificent  array  of  cavalry,  heavy  as 
well  as  light,  the  Khan  went  into  the  field  under  great 

30  expectations;  and  these  he  more  than  realised.  Having 
the  good  fortune  to  be  concerned  with  so  ill-organised 
and  disorderly  a  description  of  force  as  that  which  at 
all  times  composed  the  bulk  of  a  Turkish  army,  he 
carried   victory  along  with  his  banners;   gained  many 

35  partial  successes;  and  at  last,  in  a  pitched  battle,  over- 


.REVOLT  OF   THE   TARTARS  17 

threw  the  Turkish  force  opposed  to  him  with  a  loss  of 
5000  men  left  upon  the  field. 

10.  These    splendid    achievements   seemed    likely  to 
operate  in  various  ways  against  the  impending  revolt. 
Oubacha  had  now  a  strong  motive,  in  the  martial  glory   5 
acquired,  for  continuing  his  connection  with  the  empire 
in  whose  service  he  had  won  it,  and  by  whom  only  it 
could  be  fully  appreciated.    He  was  now  a  great  marshal 
of  a  great  empire,  one   of  the   Paladins   around   the 
imperial  throne;    in   China  he  would  be  nobody,   or  10 
(worse  than  that)  a  mendicant  alien,  prostrate  at  the 
feet,  and  soliciting  the  precarious  alms,  of  a  prince  with 
whom  he  had  no  connection.     Besides,  it  might  reason- 
ably be  expected  that  the  Czarina,  grateful  for  the  really 
efficient  aid  given  by  the  Tartar  prince,  would  confer  15 
upon  him  such  eminent  rewards  as  might  be  sufficient 
to  anchor  his  hopes  npon  Russia,  and  to  wean  him  from 
every  possible  seduction.     These  were  the  obvious  sug- 
gestions of  prudence  and  good  sense  to  every  man  who 
stood  neutral  in  the  case.     But  they  were  disappointed.  20 
The  Czarina  knew  her  obligations  to  the  Khan,  but  she 
did  not  acknowledge  them.      Wherefore?     That  is  a 
mystery,  perhaps  never  to  be  explained.     So  it  was,  how- 
ever.    The  Khan  went  unhonoured;  no  ukase  ever  pro- 
claimed his  merits;  and  perhaps,  had  he  even  been  abund-  35 
antly  recompensed  by  Russia,  there  were  others  who  would 
have  defeated  these  tendencies  to  reconciliation.  Erempel, 
Zebek,  and  Loosang  the  Lama,  were  pledged  life-deep  to 
prevent  any  accommodation ;  and  their  efforts  were  un- 
fortunately seconded  by  those  of  their  deadliest  enemies.  30 
In  the  Russian  Court  there  were  at  that  time  some  great 
nobles  pre-occupied  with  feelings  of  hatred  and  blind 
malice  towards  the  Kalmucks,  quite  as  strong  as  any 
which  the  Kalmucks  could  harbour  towards  Russia,  and 
not,  perhaps,  so  well-founded.      Just  as  much  as  the  35 
2 


18  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

Kalmucks  hated  the  Russian  yoke,  their  galling  assump- 
tion of  authority,  the  marked  air  of  disdain,  as  towards 
a  nation  of  ugly,  stupid,  and  filthy  barbarians,  which 
too  generally  marked  the  Russian  bearing  and  language, 
5  but,  above  all,  the  insolent  contempt,  or  even  outrages, 
which  the  Russian  governors  or  great  military  command- 
ants tolerated  in  their  followers  towards  the  barbarous 
religion  and  superstitious  mummeries  of  the  Kalmuck 
priesthood — precisely  in  that  extent  did  the  ferocity  of 

10  the  Russian  resentment,  and  their  wrath  at  seeing  the 
trampled  worm  turn  or  attempt  a  feeble  retaliation, 
re-act  upon  the  unfortunate  Kalmucks.  At  this  crisis, 
it  is  probable  that  envy  and  wounded  pride,  upon  wit- 
nessing the  splendid  victories  of  Oubacha  and  Momot- 

15  bacha  over  the  Turks  and  Bashkirs,  contributed  strength 
to  the  Russian  irritation.  And  it  must  have  been 
through  the  intrigues  of  those  nobles  about  her  person 
who  chiefly  smarted  under  these  feelings  that  the 
Czarina  could  ever  have  lent  herself  to  the  unwise  and 

20  ungrateful  policy  pursued  at  this  critical  period  towards 
the  Kalmuck  Khan.  That  Czarina  was  no  longer  Eliza- 
beth Petrowna;  it  was  Catherine  11. — a  princess  who  did 
not  often  err  so  injuriously  (injuriously  for  herself  as  much 
as  for  others)  in  the  measures  of  her  government.     She 

25  had  soon  ample  reason  for  repenting  of  her  false  policy. 
Meantime,  how  much  it  must  have  co-operated  with  the 
other  motives  previously  acting  upon  Oubacha  in  sus- 
taining his  determination  to  revolt,  and  how  powerfully 
it  must  have  assisted  the  efforts  of  all  the  Tartar  chief- 

30  tains  in  preparing  the  minds  of  their  people  to  feel  the 
necessity  of  this  difficult  enterprise,  by  arming  their 
pride  and  their  suspicions  against  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, through  the  keenness  of  their  sympathy  with  the 
wrongs  of  their  insulted  prince,  may  be  readily  imagined. 

85  It  is  a  fact,  and  it  has  been  confessed  by  candid  Russians 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  19 

themselves,  when  treating  of  this  great  dismemberment, 
that  the  conduct  of  the  Russian  Cabinet  throughout  the 
period  of  suspense  and  during  the  crisis  of  hesitation  in 
the  Kahnuck  Council  was  exactly  such  as  was  most  desir- 
able for  the  purposes  of  the  conspirators;  it  wa&  such,  5 
in  fact,  as  to  set  the  seal  to  all  their  machinations,  by 
supplying  distinct  evidences  and  official  vouchers  for 
what  could  otherwise  have  been,  at  the  most,  matters  of 
doubtful  suspicion  and  indirect  presumption. 

11.  Nevertheless,  in  the  face  of  all  these  arguments,  10 
and  even  allowing  their  weight  so  far  as  not  at  all  to  deny 
the  injustice  or  the  impolicy  of  the  imperial  ministers, 
it  is  contended  by  many  persons  who  have  reviewed  the 
affair  with  a  command  of  all  the  documents  bearing  on 
the  case,  more  especially  the  letters  or  minutes  of  council  15 
subsequently  discovered  in  the  handwriting  of  Zebek- 
Dorchi,  and  the  important  evidence  of  the  Russian  cap- 
tive Weseloff,  who  was  carried  off  by  the  Kalmucks  in 
their  flight,  that  beyond  all  doubt  Oubacha  was  power- 
less for  any  purpose  of  impeding  or  even  of  delaying  20 
the  revolt.  He  himself,  indeed,  was  under  religious 
obligations  of  the  most  terrific  solemnity  never  to  flinch 
from  the  enterprise,  or  even  to  slacken  in  his  zeal :  for 
Zebek-Dorchi,  distrusting  the  firmness  of  his  resolution 
under  any  unusual  pressure  of  alarm  or  difficulty,  had,  25 
in  the  very  earliest  stage  of  the  conspiracy,  availed  him- 
self of  the  Khan's  well-known  superstition  to  engage 
him,  by  means  of  previous  concert  with  the  priests  and 
their  head  the  Lama,  in  some  dark  and  mysterious  rites 
of  consecration,  terminating  in  oaths  under  such  terrific  30 
sanctions  as  no  Kalmuck  would  have  courage  to  violate. 
As  far,  therefore,  as  regarded  the  personal  share  of  the 
Khan  in  what  was  to  come,  Zebek  was  entirely  at  his 
ease;  he  knew  him  to  be  so  deeply  pledged  by  religious 
terrors  to  the  prosecution  of  the  conspiracy,  that  no  hon-  35 


20  REVOLT  OF  THE   TARTARS 

ours  within  the  Czarina's  gift  could  have  possibly  shaken 
his  adhesion:  and  then,  as  to  threats  from  the  same 
quarter,  he  knew  him  to  be  sealed  against  those  fears  by 
others  of  a  gloomier  character,  and  better  adapted  to  his 
5  peculiar  temperament.  For  Oubacha  was  a  brave  man 
as  respected  all  bodily  enemies  or  the  dangers  of  human 
warfare,  but  was  as  sensitive  and  as  timid  as  the  most 
superstitious  of  old  women  in  facing  the  frowns  of  a 
priest,  or  under  the  vague  anticipations  of  ghostly  retri- 

10  butions.  But,  had  it  been  otherwise,  and  had  there  been 
any  reason  to  apprehend  an  unsteady  demeanour  on  the 
part  of  this  prince  at  the  approach  of  the  critical  mo- 
ment, such  were  the  changes  already  effected  in  the 
state  of  their  domestic  politics  amongst  the  Tartars,  by 

15  the  undermining  arts  of  Zebek-Dorchi  and  his  ally  the 
Lama,  that  very  little  importance  Avould  have  attached 
to  that  doubt.  All  power  was  now  effectually  lodged  in 
the  hands  of  Zebek-Dorchi.  He  was  the  true  and  abso- 
lute wielder  of  the  Kalmuck  sceptre;    all  measures  of 

20  importance  were  submitted  to  his  discretion;  and  nothing 
was  finally  resolved  but  under  his  dictation.  This  re- 
sult he  had  brought  about,  in  a  year  or  two,  by  means 
sufficiently  simple:  first  of  all,  by  availing  himself  of 
the  prejudice  in  his  favour,  so  largely  diffused  amongst 

25  the  lowest  of  the  Kalmucks,  that  his  own  title  to  the 
throne,  in  quality  of  great-grandson  in  a  direct  line  from 
Ajouka,  the  most  illustrious  of  all  the  Kalmuck  Khans, 
stood  upon  a  better  basis  than  that  of  Oubacha,  who 
derived  from  a  collateral  branch ;  secondly,  with  respect 

30  to  that  sole  advantage  which  Oubacha  possessed  above 
himself  in  the  ratification  of  his  title,  by  improving  this 
difference  between  their  situations  to  the  disadvantage  of 
his  competitor,  as  one  who  had  not  scrupled  to  accept 
that  triumph  from  an  alien  power  at  the  price  of  his 

35  independence  which  he  himself   (as  he  would  have  it 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  21 

understood)  disdained  to  court;  thirdly,  by  his  own  tal- 
ents and  address,  coupled  with  the  ferocious  energy  of 
his  moral  character;  fourthly — and  perhaps  in  an  equal 
degree — by  the    criminal    facility  and  good-nature   of 
Oubacha;  finally  (which  is  remarkable  enough,  as  illus-    5 
trating  the  character  of  the  man),  by  that  very  new  mod- 
elling of  the  Sarga  or  Privy  Council  which  he  had  used 
as  a  principal  topic  of  abuse  and  malicious  insinuation 
against  the  Russian  Government,  whilst,  in  reality,  he 
first  had  suggested  the  alteration  to  the  Empress,  and  10 
he  chiefly  appropriated  the  political  advantages  which  it 
was  fitted  to  yield.     For,  as  he  was  himself  appointed 
the  chief  of  the  Sargatchi,  and  as  the  pensions  to  the 
inferior  Sargatchi  passed  through  his  hands,  whilst  in 
effect  they  owed  their  appointments  to  his  nomination,  15 
it  may  be  easily  supposed  that,  whatever  power  existed 
in  the  state  capable  of  controlling  the  Khan  being  held 
by  the  Sarga  under  its  new  organisation,  and  this  body 
being  completely  under  his  influence,  the  final  result 
was  to  throw  all  the  functions  of  the  state,  whether  20 
nominally  in  the  prince  or  in  the  council,  substantially 
into  the  hands  of  this  one  man;  whilst,  at  the  same 
time,  from  the  strict  league  which  he  maintained  with 
the  Lama,  all  the  thunders  of  the  spiritual  power  were 
always  ready  to  come  in  aid  of  the  magistrate,  or  to  25 
supply  his  incapacity  in  cases  which  he  could  not  reach. 
12.  But  the  time  was  now  rapidly  approaching  for 
the  mighty  experiment.      The  day  was  drawing  near  on 
which  the  signal  was  to  be  given  for  raising  the  standard 
of  revolt,  and  by  a  combined  movement  on  both  sides  of  30 
the  Wolga  for  spreading  the  smoke  of  one  vast  confla- 
gration, that  should  wrap  in  a  common  blaze  their  own 
huts  and  the  stately  cities  of  their  enemies,  over  the 
breadth  and  length  of  those  great  provinces  in  which  their 
flocks  were  dispersed.     The  year  of  the  tiger  was  now  35 


22  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

within  one  little  month  of  its  commencement;  the  fifth 
morning  of  that  year  was  fixed  for  the  fatal  day  when 
the  fortunes  and  happiness  of  a  whole  nation  were  to  be 
put  upon  the  hazard  of  a  dicer's  throw;  and  as  yet  that 
5  nation  was  in  profound  ignorance  of  the  whole  plan. 
The  Khan,  such  was  the  kindness  of  his  nature,  could 
not  bring  himself  to  make  the  revelation  so  urgently 
required.  It  was  clear,  however,  that  this  could  not  be 
delayed;  and  Zebek-Dorchi  took  the  task  willingly  upon 

10  himself.  But  where  or  how  should  this  notification  be 
made,  so  as  to  exclude  Kussian  hearers?  After  some 
deliberation,  the  following  plan  was  adopted : — Couriers, 
it  was  contrived,  should  arrive  in  furious  haste,  one  upon 
the  heels  of  another,  reporting  a  sudden  inroad  of  the 

15  Kirghises  and  Bashkirs  upon  the  Kalmuck  lands,  at  a 
point  distant  about  120  miles.  Thither  all  the  Kalmuck 
families,  according  to  immemorial  custom,  were  required 
to  send  a  separate  representative ;  and  there  accordingly, 
within  three  days,  all  appeared.     The  distance,  the  soli- 

20  tary  ground  appointed  for  the  rendezvous,  the  rapidity 
of  the  march,  all  tended  to  make  it  almost  certain  that 
no  Eussian  could  be  present.  Zebek-Dorchi  then  came 
forward.  He  did  not  waste  many  words  upon  rhetoric. 
He  unfurled  an  immense  sheet  of  parchment,  visible  from 

25  the  uttermost  distance  at  which  any  of  this  vast  crowd 
could  stand;  the  total  number  amounted  to  80,000;  all 
saw,  and  many  heard.  They  were  told  of  the  oppres- 
sions of  Eussia;  of  her  pride  and  haughty  disdain  evi- 
denced towards  them  by  a  thousand  acts;  of  her  con- 

30  tempt  for  their  religion ;  of  her  determination  to  reduce 
them  to  absolute  slavery;  of  the  preliminary  measures 
she  had  already  taken  by  erecting  forts  upon  many  of  the 
great  rivers  in  their  neighbourhood ;  of  the  ulterior  inten- 
tions she  thus  announced  to  circumscribe  their  pastoral 

35  lands,  until  they  would  all  be  obliged  to  renounce  their 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  23 

flocks,  and  to  collect  iu  towns  like  Sarepta,  there  to  pur- 
sue mechanical  and  servile  trades  of  shoemaker,  tailor, 
and  weaver,  such  as  the  free-born  Tartar  had  always  dis- 
dained. "Then  again,"  said  the  subtle  prince,  "she 
increases  her  military  levies  upon  our  population  every  5 
year;  we  pour  out  our  blood  as  young  men  in  her 
defence,  or  more  often  in  support  of  her  insolent  aggres- 
sions; and  as  old  men  we  reap  nothing  from  our  suffer- 
ings, nor  benefit  by  our  survivorship  where  so  many 
are  sacrificed."  At  this  point  of  his  harangue,  Zebek  10 
produced  several  papers  (forged,  as  it  is  generally  be- 
lieved, by  himself  and  the  Lama),  containing  projects 
of  the  Russian  court  for  a  general  transfer  of  the  eldest 
sons,  taken  en  masse  from  the  greatest  Kalmuck  fam- 
ilies, to  the  imperial  court.  "  Now  let  this  be  once  15 
accomplished,"  he  argued,  "and  there  is  an  end  of  all 
useful  resistance  from  that  day  forwards.  Petitions  we 
might  make,  or  even  remonstrances;  as  men  of  words 
we  might  play  a  bold  part;  but  for  deeds,  for  that  sort 
of  language  by  which  our  ancestors  were  used  to  speak  20 
— holding  us  by  such  a  chain,  Russia  would  make  a  jest 
of  our  wishes,  knowing  full  well  that  we  should  not  dare 
to  make  any  effectual  movement. ' ' 

13.  Having  thus  sufficiently  roused  the  angry  pas- 
sions of  his  vast  audience,  and  having  alarmed  their  fears  25 
by  this  pretended  scheme  against  their  first-born  (an 
artifice  which  was  indispensable  to  his  purpose,  because 
it  met  beforehand  every  form  of  amendment  to  his  pro- 
posal coming  from  the  more  moderate  nobles,  who  would 
not  otherwise  have  failed  to  insist  upon  trying  the  effect  30 
of  bold  addresses  to  the  Empress  before  resorting  to  any 
desperate  extremity),  Zebek-Dorchi  opened  his  scheme 
of  revolt,  and,  if  so,  of  instant  revolt;  since  any  prepa- 
rations reported  at  St.  Petersburg  would  be  a  signal  for 
the  armies  of  Russia  to  cross  into  such  jiositions  from  35 


24  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

all  parts  of  Asia  as  would  effectually  intercept  their 
march.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that,  with  all  his 
audacity  and  his  reliance  upon  the  momentary  excite- 
ment of  the  Kalmucks,  the  subtle  prince  did  not  ven- 
5  ture,  at  this  stage  of  his  seduction,  to  make  so  startling 
a  proposal  as  that  of  a  flight  to  China.  All  that  he  held 
out  for  the  present  was  a  rapid  march  to  the  Temba  or 
some  other  great  river,  which  they  were  to  cross,  and 
take  up  a  strong  position  on  the  farther  bank,  from 
10  which,  as  from  a  post  of  conscious  security,  they  could 
hold  a  bolder  language  to  the  Czarina,  and  one  which 
would  have  a  better  chance  of  winning  a  favourable 
audience. 

14.  These  things,  in  the  irritated   condition  of   the 
15  simple  Tartars,  passed  by  acclamation;  and  all  returned 

homewards  to  push  forward  with  the  most  furious  speed 
the  preparations  for  their  awful  undertaking.  Rapid 
and  energetic  these  of  necessity  were;  and  in  that 
degree  they  became  noticeable  and  manifest  to  the  Rus- 
20  sians  who  happened  to  be  intermingled  with  the  differ- 
ent hordes,  either  on  commercial  errands,  or  as  agents 
officially  from  the  Russian  Government,  some  in  a  finan- 
cial, others  in  a  diplomatic  character. 

15.  Amongst  these  last  (indeed  at  the  head  of  them) 
25  was  a  Russian  of  some  distinction,  by  name  Kichinskoi, 

a  man  memorable  for  his  vanity,  and  memorable  also  as 
one  of  the  many  victims  to  the  Tartar  revolution.  This 
Kichinskoi  had  been  sent  by  the  Empress  as  her  envoy 
to  overlook  the  conduct  of  the  Kalmucks;  he  was  styled 

30  the  Grand  Pristaw,  or  Great  Commissioner,  and  was 
universally  known  amongst  the  Tartar  tribes  by  this 
title.  His  mixed  character  of  ambassador  and  of  polit- 
ical surveillant,  combined  with  the  dependent  state  of 
the  Kalmucks,  gave  him  a  real  weight  in  the  Tartar 

35  councils,  and  might  have  given  him  a  far  greater,  had 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  25 

not  his  outrageous  self-conceit,  and  his  arrogant  confi- 
dence in  his  own  authority  as  due  chiefly  to  his  personal 
qualities  for  command,  led  him  into  such  harsh  displays 
of  power,  and  menaces  so  odious  to  the  Tartar  pride,  as 
very  soon  made  him  an  object  of  their  profoundest  5 
malice.  He  had  publicly  insulted  the  Khan;  and,  upon 
making  a  communication  to  him  to  the  effect  that  some 
reports  began  to  circulate,  and  even  to  reach  the  Em- 
press, of  a  design  in  agitation  to  fly  from  the  imperial 
dominions,  he  had  ventured  to  say,  "  But  this  you  dare  10 
not  attempt;  I  laugh  at  such  rumours  ;  yes,  Khan,  I 
laugh  at  them  to  the  Empress;  for  you  are  a  chained 
bear,  and  that  you  know."  The  Khan  turned  away  on 
his  heel  with  marked  disdain;  and  the  Pristaw,  foaming 
at  the  mouth,  continued  to  utter,  amongst  those  of  the  15 
Khan's  attendants  who  staid  behind  to  catch  his  real 
sentiments  in  a  moment  of  unguarded  passion,  all  that 
the  blindest  frenzy  of  rage  could  suggest  to  the  most 
presumptuous  of  fools.  It  was  now  ascertained  that 
suspicions  had  arisen;  but  at  the  same  time  it  was  ascer-  20 
tained  that  the  Pristaw  spoke  no  more  than  the  truth  in 
representing  himself  to  have  discredited  these  suspicions. 
The  fact  was  that  the  mere  infatuation  of  vanity  made 
him  believe  that  nothing  could  go  on  undetected  by  his 
all-piercing  sagacity,  and  that  no  rebellion  could  prosper  25 
when  rebuked  by  his  commanding  presence.  The  Tar- 
tars, therefore,  pursued  their  preparations,  confiding  in 
the  obstinate  blindness  of  the  Grand  Pristaw  as  in  their 
perfect  safeguard;  and  such  it  proved — to  his  own  ruin 
as  well  as  that  of  myriads  besides.  30 

16.  Christmas  arrived;  and,  a  little  before  that  time, 
courier  upon  courier  came  dropping  in,  one  upon  the 
very  heels  of  another,  to  St.  Petersburg,  assuring  the 
Czarina  that  beyond  all  doubt  the  Kalmucks  Avere  in  the 
very  crisis  of  departure.     These  despatches  came  from  35 


26  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

the  Governor  of  Astrachan,  and  copies  were  instantly 
forwarded  to  Kichinskoi.  Now,  it  happened  that  be- 
tween this  governor — a  Russian  named  Beketoff — and  the 
Pristaw  had  been  an  ancient  feud.  The  very  name  of 
5  Beketoff  inflamed  his  resentment;  and  no  sooner  did  he 
Bee  that  hated  name  attached  to  the  despatch  than  he  felt 
himself  confirmed  in  his  former  views  with  tenfold 
bigotry,  and  wrote  instantly,  in  terms  of  the  most  pointed 
ridicule,  against  the  new  alarmist,  pledging  his  own  head 

10  upon  the  visionariness  of  his  alarms.  Beketoff,  however, 
was  not  to  be  put  down  by  a  few  hard  words,  or  by  ridi- 
cule: he  persisted  in  his  statements;  the  Russian  minis- 
try were  confounded  by  the  obstinacy  of  the  disputants; 
and  some  were  beginning  even  to  treat  the  Governor  of 

15  Astrachan  as  a  bore,  and  as  the  dupe  of  his  own  ner- 
vous terrors,  when  the  memorable  day  arrived,  the  fatal 
5th  of  January,  which  for  ever  terminated  the  dispute, 
and  put  a  seal  upon  the  earthly  hopes  and  fortunes  of 
unnumbered  myriads.     The  Governor  of  Astrachan  was 

20  the  first  to  hear  the  news.  Stung  by  the  mixed  furies 
of  jealousy,  of  triumphant  vengeance,  and  of  anxious 
ambition,  he  sprang  into  his  sledge,  and,  at  the  rate  of 
300  miles  a-day,  pursued  his  route  to  St.  Petersburg — 
rushed  into  the  Imperial  presence — announced  the  total 

25  realisation  of  his  worst  predictions^ — and,  upon  the  con- 
firmation of  this  intelligence  by  subsequent  despatches 
from  many  different  posts  on  the  AVolga,  he  received  an 
imperial  commission  to  seize  the  person  of  his  deluded 
enemy,  and  to  keep  him  in  strict  captivity.     These  orders 

30  were  eagerly  fulfilled;  and  the  unfortunate  Kichinskoi 
soon  afterwards  expired  of  grief  and  mortification  in 
the  gloomy  solitude  of  a  dungeon — a  victim  to  liis  own 
immeasurable  vanity,  and  the  blinding  self-delusions  of 
a  presumption  that  refused  all  warning. 

35      17.  The  Governor  of    Astrachan  had   been   but  too 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  27 

faithful  a  prophet.  Perhaps  even  he  was  surprised  at 
the  suddenness  with  which  the  verification  followed  his 
reports.  Precisely  on  the  5th  of  January,  the  day  so 
solemnly  appointed  under  religious  sanctions  by  the 
Lama,  the  Kalmucks  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Wolga  5 
were  seen  at  the  earliest  dawn  of  day  assembling  by 
troops  and  squadrons,  and  in  the  tumultuous  movement 
of  some  great  morning  of  battle.  Tens  of  thousands 
continued  moving  off  the  ground  at  every  half-hour's 
interval.  Women  and  children,  to  the  amount  of  two  10 
hundred  thousand  and  upwards,  were  placed  upon  wag- 
gons, or  upon  camels,  and  drew  off  by  masses  of  twenty 
thousand  at  once — placed  under  suitable  escorts,  and 
continually  swelled  in  numbers  by  other  outlying  bodies 
of  the  horde,  who  kept  falling  in  at  various  distances  15 
upon  the  first  and  second  day's  march.  From  sixty  to 
eighty  thousand  of  those  who  were  the  best  mounted  staid 
behind  the  rest  of  the  tribes,  with  purposes  of  devasta- 
tion and  plunder  more  violent  than  prudence  justified, 
or  the  amiable  character  of  the  Khan  could  be  supposed  20 
to  approve.  But  in  this,  as  in  other  instances,  he  was 
completely  overruled  by  the  malignant  counsels  of  Zebek- 
Dorclii.  The  first  tempest  of  the  desolating  fury  of  the 
Tartars  discharged  itself  upon  their  own  habitations. 
But  this,  as  cutting  off  all  infirm  looking  backward  from  25 
the  hardships  of  their  march,  had  been  thought  so  nec- 
essary a  measure  by  all  the  chieftains,  that  even  Oubacha 
himself  was  the  first  to  authorise  the  act  by  his  own 
example.  He  seized  a  torch  previously  prepared  with 
materials  the  most  durable  as  well  as  combustible,  and  30 
steadily  applied  it  to  the  timbers  of  his  own  palace. 
Nothing  was  saved  from  the  general  wreck  except  the 
portable  part  of  the  domestic  utensils,  and  that  part  of 
the  wood-work  which  could  be  applied  to  the  manufac- 
ture of  the  long  Tartar  lances.     This  chapter  in  their  35 


28  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

memorable  day's  work  being  fiuished,  and  the  whole  of 
their  villages  throughout  a  district  of  ten  thousand 
square  miles  in  one  simultaneous  blaze,  the  Tartars  waited 
for  further  orders. 
5  18.  These,  it  was  intended,  should  have  taken  a  char- 
acter of  valedictory  vengeance,  and  thus  have  left  behind 
to  the  Czarina  a  dreadful  commentary  upon  the  main 
motives  of  their  flight.  It  was  the  purpose  of  Zebek- 
Dorchi  that  all  the  Kussian  towns,  churches,  and  build- 

10  ings  of  every  description,  should  be  given  up  to  pillage 
and  destruction,  and  such  treatment  applied  to  the 
defenceless  inhabitants  as  might  naturally  be  expected 
from  a  fierce  people  already  infuriated  by  the  spectacle 
of  their  own  outrages,  and  by  tbe  bloody  retaliations 

15  which  they  must  necessarily  have  provoked.  This  part 
of  the  tragedy,  however,  was  happily  intercepted  by  a 
providential  disappointment  at  the  very  crisis  of  depart- 
ure. It  has  been  mentioned  already  that  the  motive  for 
selecting  the  depth  of   winter  as  the  season  for  flight 

20  (which  otherwise  was  obviously  the  very  Avorst  possible) 
had  been  the  impossibility  of  effecting  a  junction  suffi- 
ciently rapid  with  the  tribes  on  the  west  of  the  Wolga, 
in  the  absence  of  bridges,  unless  by  a  natural  bridge  of 
ice.     For  this  one  advantage,  the  Kalmuck  leaders  had 

25  consented  to  aggravate  by  a  thousandfold  the  calamities 
inevitable  to  a  rapid  flight  over  boundless  tracts  of 
country,  with  women,  children,  and  herds  of  cattle — 
for  this  one  single  advantage;  and  yet,  after  all,  it  was 
lost.     The  reason  never  has  been  explained  satisfacto- 

30  rily,  but  the  fact  was  such.  Some  have  said  that  the 
signals  were  not  properly  concerted  for  marking  the 
moment  of  absolute  departure — that  is,  for  signifying 
whether  the  settled  intention  of  the  Eastern  Kalmucks 
might  not  have  been  suddenly  interrupted  by  adverse 

35  intelligence.     Others  have  supposed  that  the  ice  might 


REVOLT  OF  THE   TARTARS  29 

not  be  equally  strong  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  and 
might  even  be  generally  insecure  for  the  treading  of 
heavy  and  heavily-laden  animals  such  as  camels.  But 
the  prevailing  notion  is  that  some  accidental  movements 
on  the  3d  and  4th  of  January  of  Russian  troops  in  the  5 
neighbourhood  of  the  Western  Kalmucks,  though  really 
having  no  reference  to  them  or  their  plans,  had  been 
construed  into  certain  signs  that  all  was  discovered;  and 
that  the  prudence  of  the  "Western  chieftains,  who,  from 
situation,  had  never  been  exposed  to  those  intrigues  by  10 
which  Zebek-Dorchi  had  practised  upon  the  pride  of 
the  Eastern  tribes,  now  stepped  in  to  save  their  people 
from  ruin.  Be  the  cause  what  it  might,  it  is  certain 
that  the  Western  Kalmucks  were  in  some  way  prevented 
from  forming  the  intended  junction  with  their  brethren  15 
of  the  opposite  bank;  and  the  result  was  that  at  least 
one  hundred  thousand  of  these  Tartars  were  left  behind 
in  Russia.  This  accident  it  was  which  saved  their  Rus- 
sian neighbours  universally  from  the  desolation  which 
else  awaited  them.  One  general  massacre  and  confla-  20 
gration  would  assuredly  have  surprised  them,  to  the 
utter  extermination  of  their  property,  their  houses,  and 
themselves,  had  it  not  been  for  this  disappointment. 
But  the  Eastern  chieftains  did  not  dare  to  put  to  hazard 
the  safety  of  their  brethren  under  the  first  impulse  of  the  25 
Czarina's  vengeance  for  so  dreadful  a  tragedy;  for,  as 
they  were  well  aware  of  too  many  circumstances  by  which 
she  might  discover  the  concurrence  of  the  Western 
people  in  the  general  scheme  of  revolt,  they  justly 
feared  that  she  would  thence  infer  their  concurrence  also  30 
in  the  bloody  events  which  marked  its  outset. 

19.  Little  did  the  Western  Kalmucks  guess  what 
reasons  they  also  had  for  gratitude  on  account  of  an 
interposition  so  unexpected,  and  which  at  the  moment 
they  60  generally  deplored.     Could  they  but  have  wit-  35 


30  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

nessed  tli^  thousandth  part  of  the  sufferings  which  over- 
took their  Eastern  brethren  in  the  first  month  of  their  sad 
flight,  they  would  have  blessed  Heaven  for  their  own 
narrow  escape ;  and  yet  these  sufferings  of  the  first  month 
5  were  but  a  prelude  or  foretaste  comparatively  slight  of 
those  which  afterwards  succeeded. 

20.  For  now  began  to  unroll  the  most  awful  series  of 
calamities,  and  the  most  extensive,  which  is  anywhere 
recorded  to  have  visited  the  sons  and  daughters  of  men. 

10  It  is  possible  that  the  sudden  inroads  of  destroying 
nations,  such  as  the  Huns,  or  the  Avars,  or  the  Mongol 
Tartars,  may  have  inflicted  misery  as  extensive;  but 
there  the  misery  and  the  desolation  would  be  sudden, 
like  the  flight  of  volleying  lightning.      Those  who  were 

15  spared  at  flrst  would  generally  be  spared  to  the  end; 
those  who  perished  at  all  would  perish  at  once.  It  is 
possible  that  the  French  retreat  from  Moscow  may  have 
made  some  nearer  approach  to  this  calamity  in  duration, 
though  still  a  feeble  and  miniature  approach;  for  the 

20  French  sufferings  did  not  commence  in  good  earnest 
until  about  one  month  from  the  time  of  leaving  Mos- 
cow; and  though  it  is  true  that  afterwards  the  vials  of 
wrath  were  emptied  upon  the  devoted  army  for  six  or 
seven  weeks  in  succession,  yet  what  is  that  to  this  Kal- 

25  muck  tragedy,  which  lasted  for  more  than  as  many 
months?  But  the  main  feature  of  horror  by  which 
the  Tartar  march  was  distinguished  from  the  French  lies 
in  the  accompaniment  of  women  *  and  children.  There 
were  both,  it  is  true,  with  the  French  army,  but  not  so 

30 

'  Singular  it  is,  and  not  generally  known,  that  Grecian  women 
accompanied  the  anabasis  of  the  younger  Cyrus  and  the  subse- 
quent Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand.  Xenophon  affirms  that 
there  were  "many"  women  in  the  Greek  army — TtoWai  ^6av 
eraifiat  ev  t(S  drparevuari;  and  in  a  late  stage  of  that  trying 

35  expedition  it  is  evident  that  women  were  amongst  the  survivors. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  31 

many  as  to  bear  any  marked  proportion  to  the  total 
numbers  concerned.  The  French,  in  short,  were  merely 
an  army — a  host  of  professional  destroyers,  whose  regu- 
lar trade  was  bloodshed,  and  whose  regular  element  was 
danger  and  suffering.  But  the  Tartars  were  a  nation  car-  5 
rying  along  with  them  more  than  two  hundred  aud  fifty 
thousand  women  and  children,  utterly  unequal,  for  the 
most  part,  to  any  contest  with  the  calamities  before  them. 
The  Children  of  Israel  were  in  the  same  circumstances 
as  to  the  accompaniment  of  their  families;  but  they  10 
were  released  from  the  pursuit  of  their  enemies  in  a 
very  early  stage  of  their  flight;  and  their  subsequent 
residence  in  the  Desert  was  not  a  march,  but  a  continued 
halt,  and  under  a  continued  interposition  of  Heaven  for 
their  comfortable  support.  Earthquakes,  again,  how-  15 
ever  comprehensive  in  their  ravages,  are  shocks  of  a 
moment's  duration.  A  much  nearer  approach  made  to 
the  wide  range  and  the  long  duration  of  the  Kalmuck 
tragedy  may  have  been  in  a  pestilence  such  as  that 
which  visited  Athens  in  the  Peloponnesian  War,  or  2C 
London  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  There  also  the 
martyrs  were  counted  by  myriads,  and  the  period  of  the 
desolation  was  counted  by  months.  But,  after  all,  the 
total  amount  of  destruction  was  on  a  smaller  scale;  and 
there  was  this  feature  of  alleviation  to  the  conscious  25 
pressure  of  the  calamity — that  the  misery  was  withdrawn 
from  public  notice  into  private  chambers  and  hospitals. 
The  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Vespasian  and  his  son,  taken 
in  its  entire  circumstances,  comes  nearest  of  all — for 
breadth  and  depth  of  suffering,  for  duration,  for  the  30 
exasperation  of  the  suffering  from  without  by  internal 
feuds,  and,  finally,  for  that  last  most  appalling  expres- 
sion of  the  furnace-heat  of  the  anguish  in  its  power  to 
extinguish  the  natural  affections  even  of  maternal  love. 
But,  after  all,  each  case  had  circumstances  of  romantic  35 


32  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

misery  peculiar  to  itself — circumstances  without  prece- 
dent, and  (wherever  human  nature  is  ennobled  by  Cliris- 
tianity),  it  may  be  confidently  hoped,  never  to  be 
repeated. 
5  21.  The  first  point  to  be  reached,  before  any  hope  of 
repose  could  be  encouraged,  was  the  river  Jaik.  This 
was  not  above  300  miles  from  the  main  point  of  depart- 
ure on  the  Wolga;  and  if  the  march  thither  was  to  be 
a  forced  one,  and  a  severe  one,  it  was  alleged,  on  the 

10  other  hand,  that  the  suffering  would  be  the  more  brief 
and  transient;  one  summary  exertion,  not  to  be  repeated, 
and  all  was  achieved.  Forced  the  march  was,  and  severe 
beyond  example :  there  the  forewarning  proved  correct ; 
but  the  promised  rest  proved  a  mere  phantom  of  the 

15  wilderness — a  visionary  rainbow,  which  fled  before  their 
hope-sick  eyes,  across  these  interminable  solitudes,  for 
seven  months  of  hai'dship  and  calamity,  without  a  pause. 
These  sufferings,  by  their  very  nature,  and  the  circum- 
stances under  which  they  arose,  were  (like  the  scenery  of 

20  the  steppes)  somewhat  monotonous  in  their  colouring 
and  external  features;  what  variety,  however,  there  was 
will  be  most  naturally  exhibited  by  tracing  historically 
the  successive  stages  of  the  general  misery,  exactly  as  it 
unfolded  itself   under  the  double  agency  of   weakness 

25  still  increasing  from  within,  and  hostile  pressure  from 
without.  Viewed  in  this  manner,  under  the  real  order 
of  development,  it  is  remarkable  that  these  sufferings  of 
the  Tartars,  though  under  the  moulding  hands  of  acci- 
dent, arrange  themselves  almost  with  a  scenical  propri- 

30  ety.  They  seem  combined  as  with  the  skill  of  an  artist; 
the  intensity  of  the  misery  advancing  regularly  with  the 
advances  of  the  march,  and  the  stages  of  the  calamity 
corresponding  to  the  stages  of  the  route;  so  that,  upon 
raising  the  curtain  which  veils  the  great  catastrophe,  we 

35  behold  one  vast  climax  of  anguish,  towering  upwards  by 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  33 

regnlar  gradations,  as  if  constructed  artificially  for  pictur- 
esque effect — a  result  which  might  not  have  been  sur- 
prising had  it  been  reasonable  to  anticipate  the  same  rate 
of  speed,  and  even  an  accelerated  rate,  as  prevailing 
through  the  later  stages  of  the  expedition.  But  it  seemed,  5 
on  the  contrary,  most  reasonable  to  calculate  upon  a  con- 
tinual decrement  in  the  rate  of  motion  according  to  the 
increasing  distance  from  the  headquarters  of  the  pursu- 
ing enemy.  This  calculation,  however,  was  defeated  by 
the  extraordinary  circumstance  that  the  Russian  armies  10 
did  not  begin  to  close  in  very  fiercely  upon  the  Kalmucks 
until  after  they  had  accomplished  a  distance  of  full 
2,000  miles:  1,000  miles  farther  on  the  assaults  became 
even  more  tumultuous  and  murderous:  and  already  the 
great  shadows  of  the  Chinese  Wall  were  dimly  descried  15 
when  the  frenzy  and  acharnement  of  the  pursuers,  and 
the  bloody  desperation  of  the  miserable  fugitives,  had 
reached  its  uttermost  extremity.  Let  us  briefly  rehearse 
the  main  stages  of  the  misery,  and  trace  the  ascending 
steps  of  the  tragedy,  according  to  the  great  divisions  of  20 
the  route  marked  out  by  the  central  rivers  of  Asia. 

22.  The  first  stage,  we  have  already  said,  was  from  the 
Wolga  to  the  Jaik;  the  distance  about  300  miles;  the 
time  allowed  seven  days.  For  the  first  week,  therefore, 
the  rate  of  marching  averaged  about  43  English  miles  25 
a-day.  The  weather  was  cold,  but  bracing;  and,  at  a 
more  moderate  pace,  this  part  of  the  journey  might  have 
been  accomplished  without  much  distress  by  a  people 
as  hardy  as  the  Kalmucks:  as  it  was,  the  cattle  suffered 
greatly  from  over-driving;  milk  began  to  fail  even  for  30 
the  children;  the  sheep  perished  by  wholesale;  and  the 
children  themselves  were  saved  only  by  the  innumerable 
camels. 

23.  The  Cossacks  who  dwelt  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Jaik  were   the  first  among  the  subjects  of   Russia  to  35 

3 


34  REVOLT  OF  THE   TARTARS 

come  into  collision  with  the  Kalmucks.  Great  was  their 
surprise  at  the  suddenness  of  the  irruption,  and  great 
also  their  consternation;  for,  according  to  their  settled 
custom,  by  far  the  greater  part  of  their  number  was 
5  absent  during  the  winter  months  at  the  fisheries  upon 
the  Caspian.  Some  who  were  liable  to  surprise  at  the 
most  exi30sed  points  fled  in  crowds  to  the  fortress  of 
Koulagina,  which  was  immediately  invested  and  sum- 
moned by  Oubacha.       He  had,   however,  in  his   train 

10  only  a  few  light  pieces  of  artillery;  and  the  Russian  com- 
mandant at  Koulagina,  being  aware  of  the  hurried  cir- 
cumstances in  which  the  Khan  was  placed,  and  that  he 
stood  upon  the  very  edge,  as  it  were,  of  a  renewed 
flight,  felt  encouraged  by  these  considerations  to  a  more 

15  obstinate  resistance  than  might  else  have  been  advisable, 
with  an  enemy  so  little  disposed  to  observe  the  usages  of 
civilised  warfare.  The  period  of  his  anxiety  was  not 
long:  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  siege  he  descried  from  the 
walls  a  succession  of  Tartar  couriers,  mounted  upon  fleet 

20  Bactrian  camels,  crossing  the  vast  plains  around  the  for- 
tress at  a  furious  pace,  and  riding  into  the  Kalmuck 
encampment  at  various  points.  Great  agitation  appeared 
immediately  to  follow :  orders  were  soon  after  despatched 
in  all  directions;  and   it  became  speedily  known   that 

25  upon  a  distant  flank  of  the  Kalmuck  movement  a  bloody 
and  exterminating  battle  had  been  fought  the  day  before, 
in  which  one  entire  tribe  of  the  Khan's  dependants, 
numbering  not  less  than  9,000  fighting  men,  had  perished 
to  the  last  man.     This  was  the  ouloss,  or  clan,  called 

30  Feka-Zechorr,  between  whom  and  the  Cossacks  there  was 
a  feud  of  ancient  standing.  In  selecting,  therefore,  the 
points  of  attack,  on  occasion  of  the  present  hasty  inroad, 
the  Cossack  chiefs  Avere  naturally  eager  so  to  direct  their 
efforts  as  to  combine  with  the  service  of  the  Empress 

35  some  gratification  to  their  own  party  hatreds :  more  espe- 


REVOLT  OF  TUB  TARTARS  35 

cially  as  the  present  was  likely  to  be  their  final  opportu- 
nity for  revenge,  if  the  Kalmuck  evasion  should  prosper. 
Having,  therefore,  concentrated  as  large  a  body  of  Cos- 
sack cavalry  as  circumstances  allowed,  they  attacked  the 
hostile  ouloss  with  a  precipitation  which  denied  to  it  all  5 
means  for  communicating  with  Oubacha;  for  the  neces- 
sity of  commanding  an  ample  range  of  pasturage,  to 
meet  the  necessities  of  their  vast  flocks  and  herds,  had 
separated  this  ouloss  from  the  Khan's  head-quarters  by 
an  interval  of  80  miles;  and  thus  it  was,  and  not  from  10 
oversight,  that  it  came  to  be  thrown  entirely  upon  its 
own  resources.  These  had  proved  insufficient:  retreat, 
from  the  exhausted  state  of  their  horses  and  camels, 
no  less  than  from  the  prodigious  encumbrances  of  their 
live  stock,  was  absolutely  out  of  the  question:  quarter  15 
was  disdained  on  the  one  side,  and  would  not  have 
been  granted  on  the  other:  and  thus  it  had  happened 
that  the  setting  sun  of  that  one  day  (the  thirteenth  from 
the  first  opening  of  the  revolt)  threw  his  parting  rays 
upon  the  final  agonies  of  an  ancient  ouloss,  stretched  20 
upon  a  bloody  field,  who  on  that  day's  dawning  had 
styled  themselves  an  independent  nation. 

24.  Universal  consternation  was  diffused  through  the 
wide  borders  of  the  Khan's  encampment  by  this  disas- 
trous intelligence;  not  so  much  on  account  of  the  num-  25 
bers  slain,  or  the  total  extinction  of  a  powerful  ally,  as 
because  the  position  of  the  Cossack  force  was  likely  to 
put  to  hazard  the  future  advances  of  the  Kalmucks,  or 
at  least  to  retard  and  hold  them  in  check  until  the  heav- 
ier columns  of  the  Russian  army  should  arrive  upon  their  30 
flanks.  The  siege  of  Koulagina  was  instantly  raised; 
and  that  signal,  so  fatal  to  the  happiness  of  the  women 
and  their  children,  once  again  resounded  through  the 
tents — the  signal  for  flight,  and  this  time  for  a  flight 
more  rapid  than  ever.     About  150  miles  ahead  of  their  35 


36  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

present  position,  there  arose  a  tract  of  hilly  country, 
forming  a  sort  of  margin  to  the  vast  sea-like  expanse  of 
champaign  savannahs,  steppes,  and  occasionally  of  sandy 
deserts,  which  stretched  away  on  each  side  of  this  mar- 
5  gin  both  eastwards  and  westwards.  Pretty  nearly  in  the 
centre  of  this  hilly  range  lay  a  narrow  defile,  through 
which  passed  the  nearest  and  the  most  practicable  route 
to  tke  river  Torgai  (the  farther  bank  of  which  river 
offered  the  next  great  station  of  security  for  a  general 

10  halt).  It  was  the  more  essential  to  gain  this  pass  before 
the  Cossacks,  inasmuch  as  not  only  would  the  delay  in 
forcing  the  pass  give  time  to  the  Russian  pursuing 
columns  for  combining  their  attacks,  and  for  bringing 
up  their  artillery,  but  also  because  (even  if  all  enemies 

15  in  pursuit  were  thrown  out  of  the  question)  it  was  held 
by  those  best  acquainted  with  the  difficult  and  obscure 
geography  of  these  pathless  steppes — that  the  loss  of  this 
one  narrow  strait  amongst  the  hills  would  have  the  effect 
of  throwing  them  (as  their  only  alternative  in  a  case 

20  where  so  wide  a  sweep  of  pasturage  was  required)  upon 
a  circuit  of  at  least  500  miles  extra;  besides  that,  after 
all,  this  circuitous  route  would  carry  them  to  the  Torgai 
at  a  point  ill  fitted  for  the  passage  of  their  heavy  bag- 
gage.     The  defile  in  the  hills,  therefore,  it  was  resolved 

25  to  gain;  and  yet,  unless  they  moved  upon  it  with  the 
velocity  of  light  cavalry,  there  was  little  chance  but  that 
it  would  be  found  pre-occupied  by  the  Cossacks.  They 
also,  it  is  true,  had  suffered  greatly  in  the  bloody  action 
with  the  defeated  ouloss ;  but  the  excitement  of  vic- 

iJO  tory,  and  the  intense  sympathy  with  their  unexampled 
triumph,  had  again  swelled  their  ranks,  and  would  prob- 
ably act  with  the  force  of  a  vortex  to  draw  in  their  sim- 
ple countrymen  from  the  Caspian.  The  question,  there- 
fore, of  pre-occupation  was  reduced  to  a  race.      The 

35  Cossacks  were  marching  upon  an  oblique  line  not  above 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  37 

50  miles  longer  than  that  which  led  to  the  same  point 
from  the  Kalmuck  head-quarters  before  Koulagina;  and 
therefore,  without  the  most  furious  haste  on  the  part  of 
the  Kalmucks,  there  was  not  a  chance  for  them,  bur- 
dened and  "  trashed  "  ^  as  they  were,  to  anticipate  so  5 
agile  a  light  cavalry  as  the  Cossacks  in  seizing  this 
important  pass. 

25.  Dreadful  were  the  feelings  of  the  poor  women  on 
hearing  this  exposition  of  the  case.  For  they  easily 
understood  that  too  capital  an  interest  (the  summa  10 
rernm)  was  now  at  stake,  to  allow  of  any  regard  to 
minor  interests,  or  what  would  be  considered  such  in 
their  present  circumstances.  The  dreadful  week  al- 
ready passed — their  inauguration  in  misery — was  yet 
fresh  in  their  remembrance.  The  scars  of  suffering  were  1L> 
impressed  not  only  upon  their  memories,  but  upon  their 
very  persons  and  the  persons  of  their  children.  And 
they  knew  that,  where  no  speed  had  much  chance  of 
meeting  the  cravings  of  their  chieftains,  no  test  would 
be  accepted,  short  of  absolute  exhaustion,  that  as  much  20 
had  been  accomplished  as  could  have  been  accomplished. 
Weseloff,  the  Russian  captive,  has  recorded  the  silent 
wretchedness  with  Avhich  the  women  and  elder  boys 
assisted  in  drawing  the  tent-ropes.  On  the  5th  of 
January  all  had  been  animation,  and  the  joyousness  of  25 
indefinite  expectation;  now,  on  the  contrary,  a  brief  but 
bitter  experience  had  taught  them  to  take  an  amended 
calculation  of  what  it  was  that  lay  before  them. 

26.  One  whole  day  and  far  into  the  succeeding  night 
had  the  renewed  flight  continued ;  the  sufferings  had  been  30 

*  "  Trashed"  : — This  is  an  expressive  word  used  by  Beaumont 
and  Fletcher  in  their  "Bonduca,"  &c.,  to  describe  the  case  of  a 
person  retarded  and  embarrassed  in  flight,  or  in  pursuit,  by 
some  encumbrance,  whether  thing  or  person,  too  valuable  to  be 
left  behind. 


38  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

greater  than  before ;  for  the  cold  had  been  more  intense; 
and  many  perished  out  of  the  living  creatures  through 
every  class,  except  only  the  camels — whose  powers  of 
endurance  seemed  equally  adapted  to  cold  and  to  heat. 
5  The  second  morning,  however,  brought  an  alleviation  to 
the  distress.  Snow  had  begun  to  fall;  and,  though  not 
deep  at  present,  it  was  easily  foreseen  that  it  soon  would 
be  bo;  and  that,  as  a  halt  would  in  that  case  become  un- 
avoidable, no  plan  could  be  better  than  that  of  staying 

10  where  they  were;  especially  as  the  same  cause  would 
cheek  the  advance  of  the  Cossacks.  Here  then  was  the 
last  interval  of  comfort  which  gleamed  upon  the  unhappy 
nation  during  their  whole  migration.  For  ten  days  the 
snow  continued  to  fall  with  little  intermission.      At  the 

15  end  of  that  time  keen,  bright,  frosty  weather  succeeded; 
the  drifting  had  ceased;  in  three  days  the  smooth  ex- 
panse became  firm  enough  to  support  the  treading  of 
the  camels;  and  the  flight  was  recommenced.  But  dur- 
ing the  halt  much  domestic  comfort  had  been  enjoyed, 

20  and  for  the  last  time  universal  plenty.  The  cows  and 
oxen  had  perished  in  such  vast  numbers  on  the  previous 
marches,  that  an  order  was  now  issued  to  turn  what 
remained  to  account  by  slaughtering  the  whole,  and 
salting  whatever  part  should   be  found  to  exceed  the 

25  immediate  consumption.  This  measure  led  to  a  scene 
of  general  banqueting  and  even  of  festivity  amongst  all 
who  were  not  incapacitated  for  joyous  emotions  by  dis- 
tress of  mind,  by  grief  for  the  unhappy  experience  of  the 
few  last  days,  and  by  anxiety  for  the  too  gloomy  future. 

30  Seventy  thousand  persons  of  all  ages  had  already  per- 
ished, exclusively  of  the  many  thousand  allies  who  had 
been  cut  down  by  the  Cossack  sabre.  And  the  losses  in 
reversion  were  likely  to  be  many  more.  For  rumours 
began  now  to  arrive  from  all  quarters,  by  the  mounted 

35  couriers  whom  the  Khan  had  despatched  to  the  rear  and 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  39 

to  each  flank  as  well  as  in  advance,  that  large  masses  of 
the  imperial  troops  were  converging  from  all  parts  of 
Central  Asia  to  the  fords  of  the  River  Torgai,  as  the 
most  convenient  point  for  intercepting  the  flying  tribes; 
and  it  was  by  this  time  well  known  that  a  powerful  divi-  5 
sion  was  close  in  their  rear,  and  was  retarded  only  by  the 
numerous  artillery  which  had  been  judged  necessary  to 
support  their  operations.  New  motives  were  thus  daily 
arising  for  quickening  the  motions  of  the  wretched 
Kalmucks,  and  for  exhausting  those  who  were  already  10 
but  too  much  exhausted. 

27.  It  was  not  until  the  2d  day  of   February  that 
the  Khan's  advanced  guard  came  in  sight  of  Ouchim, 
the  defile  among  the  hills  of  Mougaldchares,  in  which 
they  anticipated  so  bloody  an  opposition  from  the  Cos- 15 
sacks.      A  pretty  large  body  of  these  light  cavalry  had 
in  fact,  pre-occupied  the  pass  for  some  hours;  but  the 
Khan,  having  two  great  advantages — namely,  a  strong 
body  of  infantry,  who  had  been  conveyed  by  sections 
of  five  on  about  200  camels,  and  some  pieces  of  light  20 
artillery  which  he  had  not  yet  been  forced  to  abandon 
— soon  began  to  make  a  serious  impression  upon  this 
unsupported  detachment;   and  they  would  probably  at 
any  rate  have  retired;   but  at  the  very  moment  when 
they  were  making  some  dispositions  in  that  view  Zebek-  25 
Dorchi  appeared  upon  the  rear  with  a  body  of  trained 
riflemen,  who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  the  war 
with  Turkey.     These  men  had  contrived  to  crawl  unob- 
served over  the  cliffs  which  skirted  the  ravine,  availing 
themselves  of  the  dry  beds  of  the  summer  torrents,  and  30 
other  inequalities  of  the  ground,  to  conceal  their  move- 
ment.     Disorder  and  trepidation  ensued  instantly  in 
the  Cossack  files;  the  Khan,  who  had  been  waiting  with 
the  elite  of  his  heavy  cavalry,  charged  furiously  upon 
them;  total  overthrow  followed  to  the  Cossacks,  and  a  35 


40  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

slaughter  such  as  in  some  measure  avenged  the  recent 
bloody  extermination  of  their  allies,  the  ancient  ouloss  of 
Feka-Zechorr.  The  slight  horses  of  the  Cossacks  were 
unable  to  support  the  weight  of  heavy  Polish  dragoons  and 
5  a  body  of  trained  cameleers  (that  is,  cuirassiers  mounted 
on  camels) ;  hardy  they  were,  but  not  strong,  nor  a  match 
for  their  antagonists  in  weight;  and  their  extraordinary 
efforts  through  the  last  few  days  to  gain  their  present 
position  had  greatly  diminished  their  powers  for  effect- 

10  ing  an  escape.     Very  few,  in  fact,  did  escape;  and  the 
bloody  day  at  Ouchim  became  as  memorable  amongst  the 
Cossacks  as  that  which,  about  twenty  days  before,  had  sig- 
nalised the  complete  annihilation  of  the  Feka-Zechorr.^ 
28.  The  road  was  now  open  to  the  river  Irgitch,  and 

15  as  yet  even  far  beyond  it  to  the  Torgau;  but  how  long 
this  state  of  things  would  continue  Avas  every  day  more 
doubtful.  Certain  intelligence  was  now  received  that  a 
large  Eussian  army,  well  appointed  in  every  arm,  was 
advancing  upon  the  Torgau,   under  the  command  of 

20  General  Traubenberg.  This  officer  was  to  be  joined  on 
his  route  by  ten  thousand  Bashkirs,  and  pretty  nearly 
the  same  amount  of  Kirghises — both  hereditary  enemies 

'  There  was  another  ouloss  equally  strong  with  that  of  Feka- 
Zechorr,  Aiz.,  that  of  Erketunn,  under  the  government  of  Assarcho 
and  Machi,  whom  some  obligations  of  treaty  or  other  hidden  mo- 
tives drew  into  the  general  conspiracy  of  revolt.  But  fortunately 
the  two  chieftains  found  means  to  assure  the  Governor  of  Astra- 
chan,  on  the  first  outbreak  of  the  insurrection,  that  their  real 
wishes  were  for  maintaining  the  old  connection  with  Russia.  The 
Cossacks,  therefore,  to  whoin  the  pursuit  was  intrusted,  had 
instructions  to  act  cautiously  and  according  to  circumstances  on 
coming  up  with  them.  The  result  was,  through  the  prudent 
management  of  Assarcho,  that  the  clan,  without  compromising 
their  pride  or  independence,  made  such  moderate  submissions  as 
satisfied  the  Cossacks  ;  and  eventually  both  chiefs  and  people 
received  from  the  Czarina  the  rewards  and  honours  of  exemplary 
fidelity. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  4I 

of  the  Kalmucks,  both  exasperated  to  a  point  of  madness 
by  the  bloody  trophies  which  Oubacha  and  Momotbacha 
had,  in  late  years,  won  from  such  of  their  compatriots  as 
served  under  the  Sultan.  The  Czarina's  yoke  these  wild 
nations  bore  with  submissive  patience,  but  not  the  hands  5 
by  which  it  had  been  imposed;  and,  accordingly,  catch- 
ing with  eagerness  at  the  present  occasion  offered  to  their 
vengeance,  they  sent  an  assurance  to  the  Czarina  of  their 
perfect  obedience  to  her  commands,  and  at  the  same  time 
a  message  significantly  declaring  in  whali  spirit  they  10 
meant  to  execute  them,  viz.,  *'  that  they  would  not  trou- 
ble her  Majesty  with  prisoners." 

29.  Here  then  arose,  as  before  with  the  Cossacks,  a 
race  for  the  Kalmucks  with  the  regular  armies  of  Russia, 
and  concurrently  with  nations  as  fierce  and  semi-human-  15 
ised  as  themselves,  besides  that  they  had  been  stung 
into  threefold  activity  by  the  furies  of  mortified  pride 
and  military  abasement,  under  the  eyes  of  the  Turkish 
Sultan.  The  forces,  and  more  especially  the  artillery,  of 
Russia  were  far  too  overwhelming  to  bear  the  thought  20 
of  a  regular  opposition  in  pitched  battles,  even  with  a 
less  dilapidated  state  of  their  resources  than  they  could 
reasonably  expect  at  the  period  of  their  arrival  on  the 
Torgau.  In  their  speed  lay  their  only  hope — in  strength 
of  foot,  as  before,  and  not  in  strength  of  arm.  On-  35 
ward,  therefore,  the  Kalmucks  pressed,  marking  the 
lines  of  their  wide-extending  march  over  the  sad  soli- 
tudes of  the  steppes  by  a  never-ending  chain  of  corpses. 
The  old  and  the  young,  the  sick  man  on  his  couch,  the 
mother  with  her  baby — all  were  dropping  fast.  Such  30 
sights  as  these,  with  the  many  rueful  aggravations  inci- 
dent to  the  helpless  condition  of  infancy — of  disease 
and  of  female  weakness  abandoned  to  the  wolves  amidst 
a  howling  wilderness,  continued  to  track  their  course 
through  a  space  of  full  two  thousand  miles;  for  so  much,  35 


42  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

at  the  least,  it  was  likely  to  prove,  including  the  circuits 
to  which  they  were  often  compelled  by  rivers  or  hostile 
tribes,  from  the  point  of  starting  on  the  Wolga,  until 
they  could  reach  their  destined  halting  ground  on  the 
5  east  bank  of  the  Torgau.  For  the  first  seven  weeks  of 
this  march  their  sufferings  had  been  embittered  by  the 
excessive  severity  of  the  cold ;  and  every  night — so  long 
as  wood  was  to  be  had  for  fires,  either  from  the  lading 
of  the  camels,  or  from  the  desperate  sacrifice  of  their 

10  baggage- waggons,  or  (as  occasionally  happened)  from  the 
forests  which  skirted  the  banks  of  the  many  rivers  which 
crossed  their  path — no  spectacle  was  more  frequent  than 
that  of  a  circle,  composed  of  men,  women,  and  children, 
gathered  by  hundreds  round  a  central  fire,  all  dead  and 

15  stiff  by  the  return  of  the  morning  light.  Myriads  were 
left  behind  from  pure  exhaustion,  of  whom  none  had  a 
chance,  under  the  combined  evils  which  beset  them,  of 
surviving  through  the  next  twenty-four  hours.  Frost, 
however,  and  snow  at  length  ceased  to  persecute;   the 

20  vast  extent  of  the  march  at  length  brought  them  into 
more  genial  latitudes,  and  the  unusual  duration  of  the 
march  was  gradually  bringing  them  into  more  genial 
seasons  of  the  year.  Two  thousand  miles  had  at  last  been 
traversed;    February,    March,    April,    were  gone;    the 

25  balmy  month  of  May  had  opened;  vernal  sights  and 
sounds  came  from  every  side  to  comfort  the  heart-weary 
travellers;  and,  at  last,  in  the  latter  end  of  May,  cross- 
ing the  Torgau,  they  took  up  a  position  where  they  hoped 
to  find  liberty  to  repose  themselves  for  many  weeks  in 

30  comfort  as  well  as  in  security,  and  to  draw  such  supplies 

from  the  fertile  neighbourhood  as  might  restore  their 

shattered  forces  to  a  condition  for  executing,  with  less  of 

wreck  and  ruin,  the  large  remainder  of  the  journey. 

30.  Yes;  it  was  true  that  two  thousand  miles  of  wan- 

35  derinsT  had  been  completed,  but  in  a  period  of  nearlv 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  43 

five  months,  and  with  the  terrific  Bacrifice  of  at  least 
two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  souls,  to  say  nothing  of 
herds  and  flocks  past  all  reckoning.  These  had  all  per- 
ished :  ox,  cow,  horse,  mule,  ass,  sheep,  or  goat,  not  one 
survived — only  the  camels.  These  arid  and  adust  creat-  5 
ures,  looking  like  the  mummies  of  some  antediluvian 
animals,  without  the  affections  or  sensibilities  of  flesh  and 
blood — tliese  only  still  erected  their  speaking  eyes  to  the 
eastern  heavens,  and  had  to  all  appearance  come  out  from 
this  long  tempest  of  trial  unscathed  and  hardly  dimin-  10 
ished.  The  Khan,  knowing  how  much  he  was  individu- 
ally answerable  for  the  misery  which  had  been  sustained, 
must  have  wept  tears  even  more  bitter  than  those  of 
Xerxes,  when  he  threw  his  eyes  over  the  myriads  whom 
he  had  assembled :  for  the  tears  of  Xerxes  were  unmin-  15 
gled  with  remorse.  Whatever  amends  were  in  his  power 
the  Khan  resolved  to  make,  by  sacrifices  to  the  general 
good  of  all  personal  regards;  and  accordingly,  even  at 
this  point  of  their  advance,  he  once  more  deliberately 
brought  under  review  the  whole  question  of  the  '  evolt.  20 
The  question  was  formally  debated  before  the  Co'incil, 
whether,  even  at  this  point,  they  should  untread  their 
steps,  and,  throwing  themselves  upon  the  Czarina's 
mercy,  return  to  their  old  allegiance.  In  tliat  case, 
Oubacha  professed  himself  willing  to  become  the  scape-  25 
goat  for  the  general  transgression.  This,  he  argued, 
was  no  fantastic  scheme,  but  even  easy  of  accomplish- 
ment; for  the  unlimited  and  sacred  power  of  the  Khan, 
80  well  known  to  the  Empress,  made  it  absolutely  ini- 
quitous to  attribute  any  separate  responsibility  to  the  30 
people — upon  the  Khan  rested  tlie  guilt,  upon  the  Khan 
would  descend  the  imperial  vengeance.  This  proposal 
was  applauded  for  its  generosity,  but  was  energetically 
opposed  by  Zebek-Dorclii.  Were  they  to  lose  the  whole 
io'irnov  of  two  thoiiRand   iiiilos?      Was  their  miperv  to  35 


44  REVOLT  OF  TEE  TARTARS 

perish  without  fruit?  True  it  was  that  they  had  yet 
reached  only  the  half-way  house;  but,  in  that  respect,  the 
motives  were  evenly  balanced  for  retreat  or  for  advance. 
Either  way  they  would  have  pretty  nearly  the  same 
6  distance  to  traverse,  but  with  this  difference — that,  for- 
wards, their  route  lay  through  lands  comparatively  fertile; 
backwards,  through  a  blasted  wilderness,  rich  only  in 
memorials  of  their  sorrow,  and  hideous  to  Kalmuck  eyes 
by  the  trophies  of  their  calamity.     Besides,  though  the 

10  Empress  might  accept  an  excuse  for  the  past,  would  she 
the  less  forbear  to  suspect  for  the  future  ?  The  Czarina's 
pardon  they  might  obtain,  but  could  they  ever  hope  to 
recover  her  confidence  9  Doubtless  there  would  now  be  a 
standing  presumption  against  them,  an  immortal  ground 

15  of  jealousy;  and  a  jealous  government  would  be  but  an- 
other name  for  a  harsh  one.  Finally,  whatever  motives 
there  ever  had  been  for  the  revolt  surely  remained  unim- 
paired by  anything  that  had  occurred.  In  reality,  the 
revolt  was,  after  all,  no  revolt,  but  (strictly  speaking)  a 

20  return  to  their  old  allegiance;  since,  not  over  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  ago  (viz.,  in  the  year  1616),  their 
ancestors  had  revolted  from  the  Emperor  of  China. 
They  had  now  tried  both  governments;  and  for  them 
China  was  the  land  of  promise',  and  Russia  the  house  of 

25  bondage. 

31.  Spite,  however,  of  all  that  Zebek  could  say  or  do, 
the  yearning  of  the  people  was  strongly  in  behalf  of  the 
Khan's  proposal;  the  pardon  of  their  prince,  they  per- 
suaded themselves,  would  be  readily  conceded  by  the 

30  Empress:  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  they  would  at 
this  time  have  thrown  themselves  gladly  upon  the  impe- 
rial mercy;  when  suddenly  all  was  defeated  by  the  arrival 
of  two  envoys  from  Traubenberg.  This  general  had 
reached  the  fortress  of  Orsk,  after  a  very  painful  march, 

85  on  the  12th  of    April;  thence  he  set  forwards  towards 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  45 

Oriembourg;  which  he  reached  upon  the  1st  of  June, 
having  been  joined  on  his  route  at  various  times  during 
the  month  of  May  by  the  Kirghises  and  a  corps  of  ten 
thousand  Bashkirs.  From  Oriembourg  he  sent  forward 
his  official  offers  to  the  Khan,  which  were  harsh  and  5 
peremptory,  holding  out  no  specific  stipulations  as  to 
pardon  or  impunity,  and  exacting  unconditional  submis- 
sion as  the  preliminary  price  of  any  cessation  from 
military  operations.  The  personal  character  of  Trau- 
benberg,  which  was  anything  but  energetic,  and  the  con-  10 
dition  of  his  army,  disorganised  in  a  great  measure  by 
the  length  and  severity  of  the  march,  made  it  probable 
that,  with  a  little  time  for  negotiation,  a  more  concilia- 
tory tone  would  have  been  assumed.  But,  unhappily  for 
all  parties,  sinister  events  occurred  in  the  meantime,  15 
such  as  effectually  put  an  end  to  every  hope  of  the  kind. 
32.  The  two  envoys  sent  forward  by  Traubenberg  had 
reported  to  this  officer  that  a  distance  of  only  ten  days' 
march  lay  between  his  own  head-quarters  and  those  of 
the  Khan.  Upon  this  fact  transpiring,  the  Kirghises,  20 
by  their  prince  Nourali,  and  the  Bashkirs,  entreated 
the  Russian  general  to  advance  without  delay.  Once 
having  placed  his  cannon  in  position,  so  as  to  command 
the  Kalmuck  camp,  the  fate  of  the  rebel  Khan  and  his 
people  would  be  in  his  own  hands:  and  they  would  25 
themselves  form  his  advanced  guard.  Traubenberg, 
however  {why  has  not  been  certainly  explained),  refused 
to  march,  grounding  his  refusal  upon  the  condition  of 
his  army,  and  their  absolute  need  of  refreshmenr. 
Long  and  fierce  was  the  altercation;  but  at  length,  see-  30 
ing  no  chance  of  prevailing,  and  dreading  above  all  other 
events  the  escape  of  their  detested  enemy,  the  fero- 
cious Bashkirs  went  off  in  a  body  by  forced  marches.  In 
six  days  they  reached  the  Torgau,  crossed  by  swimming 
their  horses,  and  fell  upon  the  Kalmucks,  who  were  dis-  35 


46  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

persed  for  many  a  league  in  search  of  food  or  provender 
for  their  camels.  The  first  day's  action  was  one  vast 
succession  of  independent  skirmishes,  diffused  over  a 
field  of  thirty  to  forty  miles  in  extent;  one  party  often 
5  breaking  up  into  three  or  four,  and  again  (according  to 
the  accidents  of  the  ground)  three  or  four  blending  into 
one;  flight  and  pursuit,  rescue  and  total  overthrow, 
going  on  simultaneously,  under  all  varieties  of  form,  in 
all  quarters  of   the  plain.      The  Bashkirs  had  found 

10  themselves  obliged,  by  the  scattered  state  of  the  Kal- 
mucks, to  split  up  into  innumerable  sections;  and  thus, 
for  some  hours,  it  had  been  impossible  for  the  most  prac- 
tised eye  to  collect  the  general  tendency  of  the  day's  for- 
tune.    Both  the  Khan  and  Zebek-Dorchi  were  at  one 

15  moment  made  prisoners,  and  more  than  once  in  immi- 
nent danger  of  being  cut  down;  but  at  length  Zebek 
succeeded  in  rallying  a  strong  column  of  infantry, 
which,  with  the  support  of  the  camel-corps  on  each 
flank,  compelled  the  Bashkirs  to  retreat.     Clouds,  how- 

20  ever,  of  tliese  wild  cavalry  continued  to  arrive  through 
the  next  two  days  and  nights,  followed  or  accompanied 
by  the  Kirghises.  These  being  viewed  as  the  advauced 
parties  of  Traubenberg's  army,  the  Kalmuck  chieftains 
saw  no  hope  of  safety  but  in  flight;  and  in  this  way  it 

35  liappened  that  a  retreat  which  had  so  recently  been 
brought  to  a  pause  was  resumed  at  the  very  moment 
when  the  unhappy  fugitives  were  anticipating  a  deep 
repose  without  further  molestation  the  v/hole  summer 
through. 

30  33.  It  seemed  as  though  every  variety  of  wretched- 
ness were  predestined  to  the  Kalmucks,  and  as  if  their 
sufferings  were  incomplete  unless  they  were  rounded  and 
matured  by  all  that  the  most  dreadful  agencies  of  sum- 
mer's heat  could  superadd  to  those  of  frost  and  winter. 

35  To  this  sequel  of  their  story  I  shall  immediatelv  revert. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  47 

after  first  noticing  a  little  romantic  episode  which  oc- 
curred at  this  point  between  Oubaclia  and  his  unprinci- 
pled cousin  Zebek-Dorchi. 

34.  There  was  at  the  time  of  the  Kalmuck  flight  from 
the  Wolga  a  Russian  gentleman  of  some  rank  at  the  court  5 
of  the  Khan,  whom,  for  political  reasons,  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  carry  along  with  them  as  a  captive.  For 
some  weeks  his  confinement  hail  been  very  strict,  and  in 
one  or  two  instances  cruel.  But,  as  the  increasing  dis- 
tance was  continually  diminishing  the  chances  of  escape,  10 
and  perhaps,  also,  as  the  misery  of  the  guards  gradually 
withdrew  their  attention  from  all  minor  interests  to  their 
own  personal  sufferings,  the  vigilance  of  the  custody 
grew  more  and  more  relaxed ;  until  at  length,  upon  a  peti- 
tion to  the  Khan,  Mr.  Weseloff  was  formally  restored  15 
to  liberty;  and  it  was  understood  that  he  might  use  his 
liberty  in  whatever  way  he  chose,  even  for  returning 
to  Russia,  if  that  should  be  his  wish.  Accordingly,  ho 
was  making  active  preparations  for  his  journey  to  St. 
Petersburg,  when  it  occurred  to  Zebek-Dorchi  that,  not  20 
improbably,  in  some  of  the  battles  which  were  then 
anticipated  with  Traubenberg,  it  might  happen  to  them 
to  lose  some  prisoner  of  rank,  in  which  case  the  Russian 
Weseloff  would  be  a  pledge  in  their  hands  for  negotiat- 
ing an  exchange.  Upon  this  plea,  to  his  own  severe  25 
affliction,  the  Russian  was  detained  until  the  further 
pleasure  of  the  Khan.  The  Khan's  name,  indeed,  was 
used  through  the  whole  affair;  but,  as  it  seemed,  with 
so  little  concurrence  on  his  part,  that,  when  Weseloff  in 
a  private  audience  humbly  remonstrated  upon  the  30 
injustice  done  him,  and  the  cruelty  of  thus  sporting 
with  his  feelings  by  setting  him  at  liberty,  and,  as  it 
were,  tempting  him  into  dreams  of  home  and  restored 
happiness  only  for  the  purpose  of  blighting  them,  the 
good-natured  prince  disclaimed  all  participation  in  the  35 


48  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

affair,  and  went  so  far  in  proving  his  sincerity,  as  even  to 
give  him  permission  to  effect  his  escape ;  and,  as  a  ready 
means  of  commencing  it  without  raising  suspicion,  the 
Klian  mentioned  to  Mr.  Weseloff  that  he  had  just  then 
5  received  a  message  from  the  Hetman  of  the  Baslikirs, 
soliciting  a  private  interview  on  the  banks  of  the  Tor- 
gau  at  a  spot  pointed  out:  that  iuterview  was  arranged 
for  the  coming  night;  and  Mr.  Weseloff  might  go  in  the 
Khan's   suite,  which  on  either  side  was  not  to  exceed 

10  three  persons.  Weseloff  was  a  prudent  man,  acquainted 
with  the  world,  and  he  read  treachery  in  the  very  outline 
of  this  scheme,  as  stated  by  the  Khan — treachery  against 
the  Khan's  person.  He  mused  a  little,  and  then  com- 
municated so  much  of  his  suspicions  to  the  Khan  as 

15  might  put  him  on  his  guard;  but,  upon  further  consid- 
eration, he  begged  leave  to  decline  the  honour  of  accom- 
panying the  Khan.  The  fact  was  that  three  Kalmucks, 
who  had  strong  motives  for  returning  to  their  country- 
men on  the  west  bank  of  the  Wolga,  guessing  the  inten- 

20  tions  of  Weseloff,  had  offered  to  join  him  in  his  escape. 
These  men  the  Khan  would  probably  find  himself 
obliged  to  countenance  in  their  project;  so  that  it  became 
a  point  of  honour  with  Weseloff  to  conceal  their  inten- 
tions, and  therefore  to  accomplish  the  evasion  from  the 

35  camp  (of  which  the  first  steps  only  would  be  hazardous) 
without  risking  the  notice  of  the  Khan. 

35.  The  district  in  which  they  were  now  encamped 
abounded  through  many  hundred  miles  with  wild  horses 
of  a  docile  and  beautiful  breed.     Each  of  the  four  fugi- 

30  tives  had  caught  from  seven  to  ten  of  these  spirited  creat- 
ures in  the  course  of  the  last  few  days:  this  raised  no 
suspicion,  for  the  rest  of  the  Kalmucks  had  been  mak- 
ing the  same  sort  of  provision  against  the  coming  toils 
of  their  remaining  route  to  China.      These  horses  were 

35  secured  by  halters,  and  hiddeu  about  dusk  in  the  thick- 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  49 

ets  which  lined  the  margin  of  the  river.  To  these 
thickets,  about  ten  at  night,  the  four  fugitives  repaired; 
they  took  a  circuitous  path,  which  drew  them  as  little 
as  possible  Tvithin  danger  of  challenge  from  any  of  the 
outposts  or  of  the  patrols  which  had  been  established  on  5 
the  quarters  where  the  Bashkirs  lay;  and  in  three-quar- 
ters of  an  hour  they  reached  the  rendezvous.  The  moon 
had  now  risen,  the  horses  were  unfastened,  and  they 
were  in  the  act  of  mounting,  when  suddenly  the  deep 
silence  of  the  woods  was  disturbed  by  a  violent  uproar  10 
and  the  clashing  of  arms.  Weselolf  fancied  that  he 
heard  the  voice  of  the  Khan  shouting  for  assistance. 
He  remembered  the  communication  made  by  that  prince 
in  the  morning;  and  requesting  his  companions  to  sup- 
port him,  he  rode  off  in  the  direction  of  the  sound.  A  15 
very  short  distance  brought  him  to  an  open  glade  within 
the  wood,  where  he  beheld  four  men  contending  with  a 
party  of  at  least  nine  or  ten.  Two  of  the  four  were  dis- 
mounted at  the  very  instant  of  WeselofE's  arrival;  one  of 
these  he  recognised  almost  certainly  as  the  Khan,  who  20 
was  fighting  hand  to  hand,  but  at  great  disadvantage, 
with  two  of  the  adverse  horsemen.  Seeing  that  no  time 
was  to  be  lost,  WeselofE  fired  and  brought  down  one  of 
the  two.  His  companions  discharged  their  carbines  at 
the  same  moment,  and  then  all  rushed  simultaneously  25 
into  the  little  open  area.  The  thundering  sound  of  about 
thirty  horses  all  rushing  at  once  into  a  narrow  space 
gave  the  impression  that  a  whole  troop  of  cavalry  was 
coming  down  upon  the  assailants,  who  accordingly 
wheeled  about  and  fled  with  one  impulse.  Weselolf  30 
advanced  to  the  dismounted  cavalier,  who,  as  he  ex- 
pected, proved  be  the  Khan.  The  man  whom  Weseloff 
had  shot  was  lying  dead;  and  both  were  shocked,  though 
WeselofE  at  least  was  not  surprised,  on  stooping  down 
and  scrutinising  his  features,  to  recognise  a  well-known  35 
4 


50  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

confidential  servant  of  Zebek-Dorchi.  Nothing  was  said 
by  either  party;  the  Khan  rode  off  escorted  by  Weseloff 
and  his  companions,  and  for  some  time  a  dead  silence  pre- 
vailed. The  situation  of  Weseloff  was  delicate  and  criti- 
5  cal ;  to  leave  the  Khan  at  this  point  was  probably  to 
cancel  their  recent  services;  for  he  might  be  again 
crossed  on  his  path,  and  again  attacked  by  the  very  party 
from  whom  he  had  just  been  delivered.  Yet,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  return  to  the  camp  was  to  endanger  the 

10  chances  of  accomplishing  the  escape.  The  Khan  also 
was  apparently  revolving  all  this  in  his  mind,  for  at 
length  he  broke  silence,  and  said,  "  I  comprehend  your 
situation;  and  under  other  circumstances  I  might  feel  it 
my  duty  to  detain  your  companions.     But  it  would  ill 

15  become  me  to  do  so  after  the  important  service  you  have 
just  rendered  me.  Let  us  turn  a  little  to  the  left. 
There,  where  you  see  the  watch-fire,  is  an  outpost. 
Attend  me  so  far.  I  am  then  safe.  You  may  turn  and 
pursue  your  enterprise;    for  tlie  circumstances  under 

20  which  you  will  appear,  as  my  escort,  are  sufficient  to 
shield  you  from  all  suspicion  for  the  present.  I  regret 
having  no  better  means  at  my  disposal  for  testifying  my 
gratitude.  But  tell  me  before  we  part — "Was  it  accident 
only  which  led  you  to  my  rescue  ?     Or  had  you  acquired 

25  any  knowledge  of  the  plot  by  which  I  was  decoyed  into 
this  snare?"  Weseloff  answered  very  candidly  that 
mere  accident  had  brought  him  to  the  spot  at  which  he 
heard  the  uproar,  but  that  having  heard  it,  and  con- 
necting it  with  the  Khan's  communication  of  the  morn- 

30  ing,  he  had  then  designedly  gone  after  the  sound  in  a 
way  which  he  certainly  should  not  have  done  at  so  criti- 
cal a  moment,  unless  in  the  expectation  of  finding  the 
Khan  assaulted  by  assassins.  A  few  minutes  after  they 
reached  the  outpost  at  which  it  became  safe  to  leave  tiie 

35  Tartar  chieftain;   and   immediately  the  four  fugitives 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  61 

commenced  a  flight  which  is  perhaps  without  a  parallel 
ill  the  annals  of  travelling.  Each  of  them  led  six  or 
seven  horses  besides  the  one  he  rode;  and,  by  shifting 
from  one  to  the  other  (like  the  ancient  Desultors  of  the 
Roman  circus),  bo  as  never  to  burden  the  same  horse  for  5 
more  than  half  an  hour  at  a  time,  they  continued  to 
advance  at  the  rate  of  200  miles  in  the  24  hours  for  three 
days  consecutively.  After  that  time,  conceiving  them- 
selves beyond  pursuit,  they  proceeded  less  rapidly; 
though  still  with  a  velocity  which  staggered  the  belief  10 
of  Weseloff's  friends  in  after  years.  He  was,  however, 
a  man  of  high  principle,  and  always  adhered  firmly  to 
the  details  of  his  printed  report.  One  of  the  circum- 
stances there  stated  is  that  they  continued  to  pursue 
the  route  by  which  the  Kalmucks  had  fled,  never  for  15 
an  instaut  finding  any  difficulty  in  tracing  it  by  the 
skeletons  and  other  memorials  of  their  calamities.  In 
particular,  he  mentions  vast  heaps  of  money  as  part  of 
the  valuable  property  which  it  had  been  found  necessary 
to  sacrifice.  Tliese  heaps  were  found  lying  still  untouched  20 
in  the  deserts.  From  these  Weseloff  and  his  com- 
panions took  as  much  as  they  could  conveniently  carry; 
and  this  it  was,  with  the  price  of  their  beautiful  horses, 
which  they  afterwards  sold  at  one  of  the  Russian  military 
settlements  for  about  £15  apiece,  which  eventually  ena-  25 
bled  them  to  pursue  their  journey  in  Russia.  This  jo  ir- 
ney,  as  regarded  Weseloff  in  particular,  was  closed  by 
a  tragical  catastrophe.  lie  was  at  that  time  young,  and 
the  only  child  of  a  doating  mother.  Her  affliction  under 
the  violent  abduction  of  her  son  had  been  excessive,  and  30 
probably  had  undermined  her  constitution.  Still  she 
had  supported  it.  Weseloff,  giving  way  to  the  natural 
impulses  of  his  filial  affection,  had  imprudently  posted 
through  Russia  to  his  mother's  house  without  warning  of 
his  approach.    He  rushed  precipitately  into  her  presence;  35 


62  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

and  she,  who  had  stood  the  shocks  of  sorrow,  was  found 
unequal  to  the  shock  of  joy  too  sudden  and  too  acute. 
She  died  upon  the  spot. 


5  36.  I  now  revert  to  the  final  scenes  of  the  Kalmuck 
flight.  These  it  would  be  useless  to  pursue  circumstan- 
tially through  the  whole  two  thousand  miles  of  suffering 
which  remained;  for  the  character  of  that  suffering  was 
even  more  monotonous  than  on  the  former  half  of  the 

10  flight,  and  also  more  severe.  Its  main  elements  were 
excessive  heat,  with  the  accompaniments  of  famine  and 
thirst,  but  aggravated  at  every  step  by  the  murderous 
attacks  of  their  cruel  enemies  the  Bashkirs  and  the 
Kirghises. 

15  37.  These  people,  "more  fell  than  anguish,  hunger, 
or  the  sea,"  stuck  to  the  unhappy  Kalmucks  like  a 
swarm  of  enraged  hornets.  And  very  often,  whilst  they 
were  attacking  them  in  the  rear,  their  advanced  parties 
and  flanks  were  attacked  with  almost  equal  fury  by  the 

20  people  of  the  country  which  they  were  traversing;  and 
with  good  reason,  since  the  law  of  self-preservation  had 
now  obliged  the  fugitive  Tartars  to  plunder  provisions, 
and  to  forage  wherever  they  passed.  In  this  respect 
their  condition  was  a  constant  oscillation  of  wretched- 

25  ness;  for  sometimes,  pressed  by  grinding  famine,  they 
took  a  circuit  of  perhaps  a  hundred  miles,  in  order  to 
strike  into  a  land  rich  in  the  comforts  of  life;  but  in 
such  a  land  they  were  sure  to  find  a  crowded  population, 
of  which  every  arm  was  raised  in  unrelenting  hostility, 

30  with  all  the  advantages  of  local  knowledge,  and  with 
constant  pre-occupation  of  all  the  defensible  positions, 
mountain  passes,  or  bridges.  Sometimes,  again,  wearied 
out  with  this  mode  of  suffering,  they  took  a  circuit  of 
perhaps  a  hundred  miles,  in  order  to  strike  into  a  land 

35  with  few  or  no  inhabitants.     But  in  such  a  land  they 


REVOLT  OF  THE   TARTARS  53 

were  sure  to  meet  absolute  starvation.  Then,  again, 
whether  with  or  without  this  plague  of  starvation, 
whether  with  or  without  this  plague  of  hostility  in  front, 
whatever  might  be  the  "  fierce  varieties  "  of  their  misery 
in  this  respect,  no  rest  ever  came  to  their  unhappy  rear;  5 
post  equitem  sedet  atra  cura  j  it  was  a  torment  like  the 
undying  worm  of  conscience.  And,  upon  the  whole,  it 
presented  a  spectacle  altogether  unprecedented  in  the  his- 
tory of  mankind.  Private  and  personal  malignity  is  not 
unfrequently  immortal;  but  rare  indeed  is  it  to  find  the  10 
same  pertinacity  of  malice  in  a  nation.  And  what  em- 
bittered the  interest  was  that  the  malice  was  reciprocal. 
Thus  far  the  parties  met  upon  equal  terms;  but  that 
equality  only  sharpened  the  sense  of  their  dire  inequal- 
ity as  to  other  circumstances.  The  Bashkirs  were  ready  15 
to  fight  "from  morn  to  dewy  eve."  The  Kalmucks, 
on  the  contrary,  were  always  obliged  to  run.  Was  it 
from  their  enemies  as  creatures  whom  they  feared  ? 
No;  but  towards  their  friends — towards  that  final  haven 
of  China — as  what  was  hourly  implored  by  the  prayers  20 
of  their  wives,  and  the  tears  of  their  children.  But, 
though  they  fled  unwillingly,  too  often  they  fled  in  vain 
— being  unwillingly  recalled.  There  lay  the  torment. 
Every  day  the  Bashkirs  fell  upon  them;  every  day  the 
same  unprofitable  battle  was  renewed ;  as  a  matter  of  25 
course,  the  Kalmucks  recalled  part  of  their  advanced 
guard  to  fight  them;  every  day  the  battle  raged  for 
hours,  and  uniformly  with  the  same  result.  For  no 
sooner  did  the  Bashkirs  find  themselves  too  heavily 
pressed,  and  that  the  Kalmuck  march  had  been  retarded  30 
by  some  hours,  than  they  retired  into  the  boundless 
deserts,  where  all  pursuit  was  hopeless.  But,  if  the 
Kalmucks  resolved  to  press  forward,  regardless  of  their 
enemies,  in  that  case  their  attacks  became  so  fierce  and 
overwhelming  that  the  general  safety  seemed  likely  to  35 


54  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

be  brought  into  question;  nor  could  any  effectual  rem- 
edy be  applied  to  the  case,  even  for  each  separate  day, 
except  by  a  most  embarrassing  halt,  and  by  counter' 
marches  that,  to  men  in  their  circumstances,  were 
5  almost  worse  than  death.  It  will  not  be  surprising  that 
the  irritation  of  such  a  systematic  persecution,  super- 
added to  a  previous  and  hereditary  hatred,  and  accom- 
panied by  the  stinging  consciousness  of  utter  impotence 
as  regarded  all   effectual  vengeance,  should  gradually 

10  have  inflamed  the  Kalmuck  animosity  into  the  wildest 
expression  of  downright  madness  and  frenzy.  Indeed, 
long  before  the  frontiers  of  China  were  approached,  the 
hostility  of  both  sides  had  assumed  the  appearance  much 
more  of  a  warfare  amongst  wild  beasts  than  amongst 

15  creatures  acknowledging  the  restraints  of  reason  or  the 
claims  of  a  common  nature.  The  spectacle  became  too 
atrocious;  it  was  that  of  a  host  of  lunatics  pursued  by 
a  host  of  fiends. 


20 

38.  On  a  fine  morning  in  the  early  autumn  of  the 
year  1771,  Kien  Long,  the  Emperor  of  China,  was  pur- 
suing his  amusements  in  a  wild  frontier  district  lying 
on  the  outside  of  the  Great  Wall.     For  many  hundred 

25  square  leagues  the  country  was  desolate  of  inhabitants, 
but  rich  in  woods  of  ancient  growth,  and  overrun  with 
game  of  every  description.  In  a  central  spot  of  this 
solitary  region  the  Emperor  had  built  a  gorgeous  hunt- 
ing lodge,  to  which  he  resorted  annually  for  recreation 

30  and  relief  from  the  cares  of  government.  Led  onwards 
in  pursuit  of  game,  he  had  rambled  to  a  distance  of  200 
miles  or  more  from  this  lodge,  followed  at  a  little 
distance  by  a  sufficient  military  escort,  and  every  night 
pitching    his    tent   in   a   different    situation,    until    at 

35  length  he  had  arrived  on  the  very  margin  of  the  vast 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  55 

central  deserts  of  Asia.^  Here  he  was  standing  by  acci- 
dent at  an  opening  of  his  pavilion,  enjoying  the  morn- 
ing sunshine,  when  suddenly  to  the  westwards  there 
arose  a  vast  cloudy  vapour,  which  by  degrees  expanded, 
mounted,  and  seemed  to  be  slowly  diffusing  itself  over  5 
the  whole  face  of  the  heavens.  By  and  by  this  vast 
sheet  of  mist  began  to  thicken  towards  the  horizon,  and 
to  roll  forward  in  billowy  volumes.  The  Emperor's  suite 
assembled  from  all  quarters.  The  silver  trumpets  were 
sounded  in  the  rear,  and  from  all  the  glades  and  forest  10 
avenues  began  to  trot  forward  towards  the  pavilion  the 
yagers — half-cavalry,  half-huntsmen — who  composed  the 
imperial  escort.  Conjecture  was  on  the  stretch  to  divine 
the  cause  of  this  phenomenon,  and  the  interest  continu- 
ally increased,  in  proportion  as  simple  curiosity  gradu-  15 
ally  deepened  into  the  anxiety  of  uncertain  danger.  At 
first  it  had  been  imagined  that  some  vast  troops  of  deer, 
or  other  wild  animals  of  the  chase,  had  been  disturbed 
in  their  forest  haunts  by  the  Emperor's  movements,  or 
possibly  by  wild  beasts  prowling  for  prey,  and  might  be  20 
fetching  a  compass  by  way  of  re-entering  the  forest 
grounds  at  some  remoter  points  secure  from  molestation. 
But  this  conjecture  was  dissipated  by  the  slow  increase 
of  the  cloud,  and  the  steadiness  of  its  motion.  In  the 
course  of  two  hours  the  vast  phenomenon  had  advanced  25 
to  a  point  which  was  judged  to  be  within  five  miles  of 
the  spectators,  though  all  calculations  of  distance  were 
difficult,  and  often  fallacious,  when  applied  to  the  end- 
less expanses  of  the  Tartar  deserts.      Through  the  next 

'  All  the  circumstances  are  learned  from  a  long  state  paper  upon 
the  subject  of  this  Kalmuck  migration,  drawn  up  in  the  Chinese 
language  by  the  Emperor  himself.  Parts  of  this  paper  have  been 
translated  by  the  Jesuit  missionaries.  The  Emperor  states  the 
whole  motives  of  his  conduct  and  the  chief  incidents  at  great 
length. 


56  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

hour,  during  which  the  gentle  morning  breeze  had  a 
little  freshened,  the  dusty  vapour  had  developed  itself 
far  and  wide  into  the  appearance  of  huge  aerial  dra- 
peries, hanging  in  mighty  volumes  from  the  sky  to  the 
5  earth;  and  at  particular  points,^  where  the  eddies  of  the 
breeze  acted  upon  the  pendulous  skirts  of  these  aerial 
curtains,  rents  were  perceived,  sometimes  taking  the 
form  of  regular  arches,  portals,  and  windows,  through 
which  began  dimly  to  gleam  the  heads  of  camels  "  in- 

10  dorsed  "  ^  with  human  beings — and  at  intervals  the 
moving  of  men  and  horses  in  tumultuous  array — and 
then  through  other  openings  or  vistas  at  far  distant 
points  the  flashing  of  polished  arms.  But  sometimes,  as 
the  wind  slackened  or  died  away,  all  those  openings,  of 

15  whatever  form,  in  the  cloudy  pall  Avould  slowly  close, 
and  for  a  time  the  whole  j^ageant  was  shut  up  from  view; 
although  the  growing  din,  the  clamours,  shrieks,  and 
groans,  ascending  from  infuriated  myriads,  reported,  in 
a  language  not  to  be  misunderstood,  what  was  going  on 

20  behind  the  cloudy  screen. 

39.  It  was  in  fact  the  Kalmuck  host,  now  in  the  last 
extremities  of  their  exhaustion,  and  very  fast  approach- 
ing to  that  final  stage  of  privation  and  killing  misery 
beyond  which  few  or  none  could  have  lived,  but  also, 

25  happily  for  themselves,  fast  approaching  (in  a  literal 
sense)  that  final  stage  of  their  long  pilgrimage  at  which 
they  would  meet  hospitality  on  a  scale  of  royal  magnifi- 
cence, and  full  protection  from  their  enemies.  These 
enemies,  however,  as  yet,  were  still  hanging  on  their  rear 

30  as  fiercely  as  ever,  though  this  day  was  destined  to  be 
the  last  of  their  hideous  persecution.  The  Khan  had, 
in  fact,  sent  forward  couriers  with  all  the  requisite  state- 
ments and  petitions,  addressed  to  the  Emperor  of  China. 

'  Camels  "  indorsed  " : — "And  elephants  indorsed  with  towers." — 
Milton  in  "Paradise  Regained." 


BE  VOLT  OP  THE  TARTARS  57 

These  had  been  duly  received,  and  preparations  made  in 
consequence  to  welcome  the  Kalmucks  with  the  most 
paternal  benevolence.  But,  as  these  couriers  had  been 
despatched  from  the  Torgau  at  the  moment  of  arrival 
thither,  and  before  the  advance  of  Traubenberg  had  5 
made  it  necessary  for  the  Khan  to  order  a  hasty  renewal 
of  the  flight,  the  Emperor  had  not  looked  for  their 
arrival  on  his  frontiers  until  full  three  months  after  the 
present  time.  The  Khan  had  indeed  expressly  notified 
his  intention  to  pass  the  summer  heats  on  the  banks  of  10 
the  Torgau,  and  to  recommence  his  retreat  about  the 
beginning  of  September.  The  subsequent  change  of 
plan,  being  unknown  to  Kien  Long,  left  him  for  some 
time  in  doubt  as  to  the  true  interpretation  to  be  put 
upon  this  mighty  apparition  in  the  desert;  but  at  length  15 
the  savage  clamours  of  hostile  fury,  and  the  clangour  of 
weapons,  unveiled  to  the  Emperor  the  true  nature  of 
those  unexpected  calamities  which  had  so  prematurely 
precipitated  the  Kalmuck  measures. 

40.  Apprehending  the  real  state  of  affairs,  the  Empe-  20 
ror  instantly  perceived  that  the  first  act  of  his  fatherly 
care  for  these  erring  children  (as  he  esteemed  them),  now 
returning  to  their  ancient  obedience,  must  be^to  deliver 
them  from  their  pursuers.  And  this  was  less  difficult 
than  might  have  been  supposed.  Not  many  miles  in  the  25 
rear  was  a  body  of  well-appointed  cavalry,  with  a  strong 
detachment  of  artillery,  who  always  attended  the  Em- 
peror's motions.  These  were  hastily  summoned.  Mean- 
time it  occurred  to  the  train  of  courtiers  that  some 
danger  might  arise  to  the  Emperor's  person  from  the  30 
proximity  of  a  lawless  enemy;  and  accordingly  he  was 
induced  to  retire  a  little  to  the  rear.  It  soon  appeared, 
however,  to  those  who  watched  the  vapoury  shroud  in 
the  desert,  that  its  motion  was  not  such  as  would  argue 
the  direction  of  the  march  to  be  exactly  upon  the  pavil-  35 


56  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

ion,  but  rather  in  a  diagonal  line,  making  an  angle  of 
full  45  degrees  with  that  line  ia  which  the  imperial 
cortege  had  been  standing,  and  therefore  with  a  distance 
continually  increasing.  Those  who  knew  the  country 
5  judged  that  the  Kalmucks  were  making  for  a  large 
fresh-water  lake  about  seven  or  eight  miles  distant. 
They  were  right;  and  to  that  point  the  imperial  cavalry 
was  ordered  up;  and  it  was  precisely  in  that  spot,  and 
about  three  hours  after,  and  at  noonday  on  the  8th  cf 

10  September,  that  the  great  Exodus  of  the  Kalmuck  Tar- 
tars was  brought  to  a  final  close,  and  with  a  scene  of 
such  memorable  and  hellish  fury,  as  formed  an  appropri- 
ate winding  up  to  an  expedition  in  all  its  parts  and 
details  so  awfully  disastrous.     The  Emperor  was  not  per- 

15  sonally  present,  or  at  least  he  saw  whatever  he  did  see 
from  too  great  a  distance  to  discriminate  its  individual 
features;  but  he  records  in  his  written  memorial  the 
report  made  to  him  of  this  scene  by  some  of  his  own 
ofl&cers. 

20  41.  The  lake  of  Tengis,  near  the  dreadful  desert  of 
Kobi,  lay  in  a  hollow  amongst  hills  of  a  moderate  height, 
ranging  generally  from  two  to  three  thousand  feet  high. 
About  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  the  Chinese  cav- 
alry reached  the  summit  of  a  road  which  led  through  a 

25  cradle-like  dip  in  the  mountains  right  down  upon  the 
margin  of  the  lake.  From  this  pass,  elevated  about  two 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  water,  they  contin- 
ued to  descend,  by  a  very  winding  and  difficult  road,  for 
an  hour  and  a  half;  and  during  the  whole  of  this  descent 

30  they  were  compelled  to  be  inactive  spectators  of  the  fiend- 
ish spectacle  below.  The  Kalmucks,  reduced  by  this  time 
from  about  six  hundred  thousand  souls  to  two  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand,  and  after  enduring  for  so  long  a  time 
the  miseries  I  have    previously  described — outrageous 

35  heat,  famine,  and  the  destroying  scimitar  of  the  Kir- 


I 


REVOLT  OF  TEE  TARTARS  59 

ghises  and  the  Bashkirs — had  for  the  last  ten  days  been 
traversing  a  hideous  desert,  where  no  vestiges  were  seen  of 
vegetation,  and  no  drop  of  water  could  be  found.  Cam- 
els and  men  were  already  so  overladen,  that  it  was  a  mere 
impossibility  that  they  should  carry  a  tolerable  suffi-  5 
ciency  for  the  passage  of  this  frightful  wilderness.  On 
the  eighth  day,  the  wretched  daily  allowance,  which  had 
been  continually  diminishing,  failed  entirely;  and  thus, 
for  two  days  of  insupportable  fatigue,  the  horrors  of 
thirst  had  been  carried  to  the  fiercest  extremity.  Upon  10 
this  last  morning,  at  the  sight  of  the  hills  and  the  forest 
scenery,  which  announced  to  those  who  acted  as  guides 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  lake  of  Tengis,  all  the  people 
rushed  along  with  maddening  eagerness  to  the  antici- 
pated solace.  The  day  grew  hotter  and  hotter,  the  peo-  15 
pie  more  and  more  exhausted,  and  gradually,  in  the 
general  rush  forwards  to  the  lake,  all  discipline  and  com- 
mand were  lost — all  attempts  to  preserve  a  rearguard  were 
neglected — the  wild  Bashkirs  rode  in  amongst  the  encum- 
bered people,  and  slaughtered  them  by  wholesale,  and  20 
almost  without  resistance.  Screams  and  tumultuous 
shouts  proclaimed  the  progress  of  the  massacre;  but 
none  heeded — none  halted;  all  alike,  pauper  or  noble, 
continued  to  rush  on  with  maniacal  haste  to  the  waters — 
all  with  faces  blackened  by  the  heat  preying  upon  the  25 
liver,  and  with  tongue  drooping  from  the  mouth.  The 
cruel  Bashkir  was  affected  by  the  same  misery,  and  man- 
ifested the  same  symptoms  of  his  misery  as  the  wretched 
Kalmuck;  the  murderer  was  oftentimes  in  the  same 
frantic  misery  as  his  murdered  victim — many  indeed  (an  30 
ordinary  effect  of  thirst)  in  both  nations  had  become 
lunatic,  and  in  this  state,  whilst  mere  multitude  and 
condensation  of  bodies  alone  opposed  any  check  to  the 
destroying  scimitar  and  the  trampling  hoof,  the  lake 
was  reached;  and  into  that  the  whole  vast  body  of  ene-  35 


60  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

mies  rushed,  and  together  continued  to  rush,  forgetful 
of  all  things  at  that  moment  but  of  one  almighty 
instinct.  This  absorption  of  the  thoughts  in  one  mad- 
dening appetite  lasted  for  a  single  half-hour;  but  in  the 
5  next  arose  the  final  scene  of  parting  vengeance.  Far 
and  wide  the  waters  of  the  solitary  lake  were  instantly 
dyed  red  with  blood  and  gore :  here  rode  a  party  of  savage 
Bashkirs,  hewing  ofE  heads  as  fast  as  the  swathes  fall 
before  the  mower's  scythe;  there  stood  unarmed  Kal- 

10  mucks  in  a  death-grapple  with  their  detested  foes,  both 
up  to  the  middle  in  water,  and  oftentimes  both  sinking 
together  below  the  surface,  from  weakness  or  from 
struggles,  and  perishing  in  each  other's  arms.  Did  the 
Bashkirs  at  any  point  collect  into  a  cluster  for  the  sake 

15  of  giving  impetus  to  the  assault  ?  Thither  were  the 
camels  driven  in  fiercely  by  those  who  rode  them,  gener- 
ally women  or  boys;  and  even  these  quiet  creatures  were 
forced  into  a  share  of  this  carnival  of  murder,  by  tramp- 
ling down  as  many  as  they  could  strike  prostrate  with 

20  the  lash  of  their  fore-legs.  Every  moment  the  water  grew 
more  polluted;  and  yet  every  moment  fresh  myriads 
came  up  to  the  lake  and  rushed  in,  not  able  to  resist 
their  frantic  thirst,  and  swallowing  large  draughts  of 
water  visibly   contaminated  with    the  blood    of   their 

25  slaughtered  compatriots.  Wheresoever  the  lake  was 
shallow  enough  to  allow  of  men  raising  their  heads  above 
the  water,  there,  for  scores  of  acres,  were  to  be  seen  all 
forms  of  ghastly  fear,  of  agonising  struggle,  of  spasm, 
of  death,  and  the  fear  of  death — revenge,  and  the  lunacy 

30  of  revenge — until  the  neutral  spectators,  of  whom  there 
were  not  a  few,  now  descending  the  eastern  side  of  the 
lake,  at  length  averted  their  eyes  in  horror.  This  hor- 
ror, which  seemed  incapable  of  further  addition,  was, 
however,   increased  by  an  unexpected  incident.      The 

35  Bashkirs,  beginning   to    perceive   here   and   there  the 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  61 

approach  of  the  Chinese  cavalry,  felt  it  prudent — where- 
soever they  were  sufficiently  at  leisure  from  the  passions 
of  the  murderous  scene — to  gather  into  bodies.  This 
was  noticed  by  the  governor  of  a  small  Chinese  fort, 
built  upon  an  eminence  above  the  lake;  and  immediately  5 
he  threw  in  a  broadside,  which  spread  havoc  amongst  the 
Bashkir  tribe.  As  often  as  the  Bashkirs  collected  into 
^^ globes  "  and  "  turms,''^  as  their  only  means  of  meeting 
the  long  lines  of  descending  Chinese  cavalry — so  often 
did  the  Chinese  governor  of  the  fort  pour  in  his  exter-  10 
minating  broadside;  until  at  length  the  lake,  at  its  lower 
end,  became  one  vast  seething  caldron  of  human  blood- 
shed and  carnage.  The  Chinese  cavalry  had  reached 
the  foot  of  tlie  hills:  the  Bashkirs,  attentive  to  their 
movements,  had  formed;  skirmishes  had  been  fought:  15 
and,  with  a  quick  sense  that  the  contest  was  hencefor- 
wards  rapidly  becoming  hopeless,  the  Bashkirs  and. 
Kirghises  began  to  retire.  The  pursuit  was  not  as  vig- 
orous as  the  Kalmuck  hatred  would  have  desired.  But, 
at  the  same  time,  the  very  gloomiest  hatred  could  not  20 
but  find,  in  their  own  dreadful  experience  of  the  Asiatic 
deserts,  and  in  the  certainty  that  these  wretched  Bashkirs 
had  to  repeat  that  same  experience  a  second  time,  for 
thousands  of  miles,  as  the  price  exacted  by  a  retributory 
Providence  for  their  vindictive  cruelty — not  the  very  25 
gloomiest  of  the  Kalmucks,  or  the  least  reflecting,  but 
found  in  all  this  a  retaliatory  chastisement  more  com- 
plete and  absolute  than  any  which  their  swords  and 
lances  could  have  obtained,  or  human  vengeance  have 
devised.  80 


42.  Here  ends  the  tale  of  the  Kalmuck  wanderings  in 
the  Desert;  for  any  subsequent  marches  which  awaited 
them  were  neither  long  nor  painful.  Every  possible 
alleviation  and  refreshment  for  their  exhausted  bodies  35 


62  REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS 

had  been  already  provided  by  Kien  Long  with  the  most 
princely  munificence;  and  lands  of  great  fertility  were 
immediately  assigned  to  them  in  ample  extent  along 
the  river  Ily,  not  very  far  from  the  point  at  which  they 
5  had  first  emerged  from  the  wilderness  of  Kobi.  But 
the  beneficent  attention  of  the  Chinese  Emperor  may  be 
best  stated  in  his  own  words  as  translated  into  French 
by  one  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries: — "  La  nation  des  Tor- 
gotes  {savoir  les  Kalmuques)  arriva  k  Ily,  toute  delabree, 

10  n'ayant  ni  de  quoi  vivre,  ni  de  quoi  se  v^tir.  Je  I'avais 
prevu;  et  j 'avals  ordonne  de  faire  en  tout  genre  les  pro- 
visions n6cessaires  pour  pouvoir  les  secourir  prompte- 
ment:  c'est  ce  qui  a  6te  execute.  On  a  fait  la  division 
des  terres;  et  on  a  assigne  ^  chaque  famille  une  portion 

15  suffisante  pour  pouvoir  servir  a  son  entretien,  soit  en  la 
cultivant,  soit  en  y  nourissant  des  bestiaux.  On  a  donne 
k  chaque  particulier  des  etoffes  pour  I'habiller,  des  grains 
pour  se  nourrir  pendant  I'espace  d'une  ann6e,  des  usten- 
siles  pour  le  menage,  et  d'autres  choses  n^cessaires:  et 

20  outre  cela  plusieurs  onces  d 'argent,  pour  se  pourvoir  de 
ce  qu'on  aurait  pu  oublier.  On  a  designe  des  lieux  par- 
ticuliers,  fertiles  en  pdturages;  et  on  leur  a  donne  des 
boeufs,  moutons,  etc.,  pour  qu'ils  pussent  dans  la  suite 
travailler  par  euxm^mes  d  leur  entretien  et  k  leur  bien 

25  6tre." 

43.  These  are  the  words  of  the  Emperor  himself  speak- 
ing in  his  own  person  of  his  own  parental  cares;  but 
another  Chinese,  treating  the  same  subject,  records 
the  munificence  of  this  prince  in  terms  which  proclaim 

30  still  more  forcibly  the  disinterested  generosity  which 
prompted,  and  the  delicate  considerateness  which  con- 
ducted, this  extensive  bounty.  He  has  been  speaking  of 
the  Kalmucks,  and  he  goes  on  thus: — "  Lorsqu'ils  arrive- 
rent  sur  nos  f  rontieres  (au  nombre  de  plusieurs  centaines 

35  de  mille,  quoique  la  fatigue  extreme,  la  faim,  la  soif,  et 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  63 

toutes  les  autres  incommodit^s  inseparables  d'une  tr6s 
longue  et  tr6s  penible  route  en  eussent  fait  perir  presque 
autant),  ils  etaient  reduits  k  la  derni^re  misere;  ils  man- 
quaient  de  tout.  II"  [viz.,  I'Empereur,  Kien  Long] 
"  leur  fit  preparer  des  logemens  conformes  k  leur  mani^re  5 
de  vivre;  il  leur  fit  distribuer  des  alimens  et  des  habits; 
il  leur  fit  donner  des  boeufs,  des  moutons,  et  des  usten- 
siles,  pour  les  mettre  en  etat  de  former  des  troupeaux  et 
de  cultiver  la  terre,  et  tout  cela  k  ses  propres  frais,  qui 
se  sont  montes  k  des  sommes  immenses,  sans  compter  10 
I'argent  qu'il  a  donne  k  chaque  chef-de-famille,  pour 
pourvoir  k  la  subsistance  de  sa  femme  et  de  ses  enfans." 
44.  Thus,  after  their  memorable  year  of  misery,  the 
Kalmucks  were  replaced  in  territorial  possessions,  and 
in  comfort  equal  perhaps,  or  even  superior,  to  that  which  15 
they  had  enjoyed  in  Russia,  and  with  superior  political 
advantages.  But,  if  equal  or  superior,  their  condition 
was  no  longer  the  same;  if  not  in  degree,  their  social 
prosperity  had  altered  in  quality;  for,  iustead  of  being 
a  purely  pastoral  and  vagrant  people,  they  were  now  in  20 
circumstances  which  obliged  them  to  become  essentially 
dependent  upon  agriculture;  and  thus  far  raised  in  social 
rank,  that,  by  the  natural  course  of  their  habits  and 
the  necessities  of  life,  they  were  effectually  reclaimed 
from  roving  and  from  the  savage  customs  connected  25 
with  a  half  nomadic  life.  They  gained  also  in  politi- 
cal privileges,  chiefly  through  the  immunity  from  mili- 
tary service  which  their  new  relations  enabled  them  to 
obtain.  These  were  circumstances  of  advantage  and 
gain.  But  one  great  disadvantage  there  was,  amply  to  30 
overbalance  all  other  possible  gain;  the  chances  were 
lost  or  were  removed  to  an  incalculable  distance  for 
their  conversion  to  Christianity,  without  which,  in  these 
times,  there  is  no  absolute  advance  possible  on  tlie  path 
of  true  civilisation.  35 


64  revoTjT  of  the  tartars 

45.  One  word  remains  to  be  said  upon  the  personal 
interests  concerned  in  this  great  drama.  The  catas- 
trophe in  this  respect  was  remarkable  and  complete. 
Oubacha,  with  all  his  goodness  and  incapacity  of  sus- 
5  pecting,  had,  since  the  mysterious  affair  on  the  banks  of 
the  Torgan,  felt  his  mind  alienated  from  his  cousin;  he 
revolted  from  the  man  that  would  have  murdered  him; 
and  he  had  displayed  his  caution  so  visibly  as  to  provoke  a 
reaction  in  the  bearing  of  Zebek-Dorchi,  and  a  displeas- 

10  ure  wliich  all  his  dissimulation  could  not  hide.  This 
had  produced  a  feud,  Avhich,  by  keeping  them  aloof,  had 
probably  saved  the  life  of  Oubacha;  for  the  friendship 
of  Zebek-Dorchi  was  more  fatal  than  his  open  enmity. 
After  the  settlement  on  the  Ily  this  feud  continued  to 

15  advance,  until  it  came  under  the  notice  of  the  Emperor, 
on  occasion  of  a  visit  which  all  the  Tartar  chieftains 
made  to  his  Majesty  at  his  hunting  lodge  in  1772.  The 
Emperor  informed  himself  accurately  of  all  the  particu- 
lars connected  with  the  transaction — of  all  the  rights 

20  and  claims  put  forward — and  of  the  way  in  which  they 
would  severally  affect  the  interests  of  the  Kalmuck 
people.  The  consequence  was  that  he  adopted  the  cause 
of  Oubacha,  and  repressed  the  pretensions  of  Zebek- 
Dorchi,  who,  on  his  part,  so  deeply  resented  this  dis- 

25  countenance  to  his  ambitious  projects,  that,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  other  chiefs,  he  had  the  presumption  even  to 
weave  nets  of  treason  against  the  Emperor  himself.  Plots 
were  laid,  were  detected,  were  baffled;  counter-plots  were 
constructed  upon  the  same  basis,  and  with  the  benefit  of 

30  the  opportunities  thus  offered.  Finally,  Zebek-Dorchi 
was  invited  to  the  imperial  lodge,  together  with  all  his 
accomplices;  and,  under  the  skilful  management  of  the 
Chinese  nobles  in  the  Emperor's  establishment,  the  mur- 
derous artifices  of  these  Tartar  chieftains  were  made  to 

35  recoil  upon  themselves;  and  the  whole  of  them  perished 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  65 

by  assassination  at  a  great  imperial  banquet.  For  the 
Chinese  morality  is  exactly  of  that  kind  which  approves 
in  everything  the  lex  talionis : — 

"Lex  nee  justior  ulla  est  (as  tTiey  think) 
Quam  necis  artifices  arte  perire  sua."  5 

46.  So  perished  Zebek-Dorchi,  the  author  and  origin- 
ator of  the  great  Tartar  Exodus.  Oubacha,  meantime, 
and  his  people,  were  gradually  recovering  from  the 
effects  of  their  misery,  and  repairing  their  losses.  Peace 
and  prosperity,  under  the  gentle  rule  of  a  fatherly  lord  10 
paramount,  re-dawned  upon  the  tribes:  their  household 
lares,  after  so  harsh  a  translation  to  distant  climes, 
found  again  a  happy  re-instatement  in  what  had  in  fact 
been  their  primitive  abodes:  they  found  themselves 
settled  in  quiet  sylvan  scenes,  rich  in  all  the  luxuries  of  15 
life,  and  endowed  with  the  perfect  loveliness  of  Arca- 
dian beauty.  But  from  the  hills  of  this  favoured  land, 
and  even  from  the  level  grounds  as  they  approached  its 
western  border,  they  still  look  out  upon  that  fearful  wil- 
derness which  once  beheld  a  nation  in  agony — the  utter  20 
extirpation  of  nearly  half  a  million  from  amongst  its 
numbers,  and,  for  the  remainder,  a  storm  of  misery  so 
fierce  that  in  the  end  (as  happened  also  at  Athens  during 
the  Peloponnesian  War  from  a  different  form  of  mis- 
ery) very  many  lost  their  memory;  all  records  of  their  25 
past  life  were  wiped  out  as  with  a  sponge — utterly  erased 
and  cancelled :  and  many  others  lost  their  reason;  some 
in  a  gentle  form  of  pensive  melancholy,  some  in  a  more 
restless  form  of  feverish  delirium  and  nervous  agitation, 
and  others  in  the  fixed  forms  of  tempestuous  mania,  30 
raving  frenzy,  or  moping  idiocy.  Two  great  commem- 
orative monuments  arose  in  after  years  to  mark  the 
depth  and  permanence  of  the  awe — the  sacred  and  rev- 
erential grief  with  which  all  persons  looked  back  upon 
5 


66  REVOLT  OF  THE   TARTARS 

the  dread  calamities  attached  to  the  year  of  the  tiger — 
all  who  had  either  personally  shared  in  those  calamities, 
and  had  themselves  drunk  from  that  cup  of  sorrow, 
or  who  had  effectually  been  made  witnesses  to  their 
5  results,  and  associated  with  their  relief :  two  great  monu- 
ments; one  embodied  in  the  religious  solemnity,  enjoined 
by  the  Dalai  Lama,  called  in  the  Tartar  language  a 
Romanang — that  is,  a  national  commemoration,  with 
music  the  most  rich  and  solemn,  of  all  the  souls  who 

10  departed  to  the  rest  of  Paradise  from  the  afflictions  of 
the  Desert  (this  took  place  about  six  years  after  the 
arrival  in  China);  secondly,  another,  more  durable  and 
more  commensurate  to  the  scale  of  the  calamity  and  to 
the  grandeur  of  this  national  Exodus,  in  the  mighty 

15  columns  of  granite  and  brass  erected  by  the  Emperor 
Kien  Long  near  the  banks  of  the  Ily.  These  columns 
stand  upon  the  very  margin  of  the  steppes ;  and  they 
bear  a  short  but  emphatic  inscription  ^  to  the  following 
effect: — 

20  By  the  Will  of  God, 

Here,  upon  tlie  Brink  of  these  Deserts, 

Whicli  from  this  Point  begin  and  stretch  away 

Pathless,  treeless,  waterless, 

For  thousands  of  miles — and  along  the  margins  of  many  mighty 

25  Nations, 

*  This  inscription  has  been  slightly  altered  in  one  or  two  phrases, 
and  particularly  in  adapting  to  the  Christian  era  the  Emperor's 
expressions  for  the  year  of  the  original  Exodus  from  China  and 
the  retrogressive  Exodus  from  Russia.  With  respect  to  the  des- 
ignation adopted  for  the  Russian  Emperor,  either  it  is  built  upon 
some  confusion  between  him  and  the  Byzantine  Caesars,  as  though 
the  former,  being  of  the  same  religion  with  the  latter  (and  occupy- 
ing in  part  the  same  longitudes,  though  in  different  latitudes), 
might  be  considered  as  his  modern  successor;  or  else  it  refers 
simply  to  the  Greek  form  of  Christianity  professed  by  the  Russian 
Emperor  and  Church. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  TARTARS  67 

Rested  from  their  labours  and  from  great  afflictions, 

Under  the  sliadow  of  the  Chinese  Wall, 

And  by  the  favour  of  Kien  Long,  God's  Lieutenant  upon 

Earth,  The  ancient  Children  of  the  Wilderness — the  Torgote 

Tartars —  5 

Flying  before  the  wrath  of  the  Grecian  Czar, 

Wandering  Sheep  who  had  strayed  away  from  the   Celestial 

Empire  in  the  year  1616, 

But  are  now  mercifully  gathered  again,  after  infinite  sorrow, 

Into  the  fold  of  their  forgiving  Shepherd.  10 

Hallowed  be  the  spot  for  ever, 

and 

Hallowed  be  the  day — September  8,  1771 ! 

Amen. 


NOTES 

[Remark. — The  following  notes  are  (1)  explanatory,  where  infor- 
mation is  not  easily  to  be  had  ;  (3)  directive,  where  information  lies 
ready  to  hand  in  ordinary  books  of  reference,  and  where  the  student 
may  be  led  into  criticism  of  his  own.  Such  notes  as  obviate  refer- 
ence on  the  part  of  the  student,  or  discourage  his  criticism  by  com- 
pletely forestalling  it,  are  deprecated  by  the  editor  as  a  hindrance 
in  education. 

By  "ordinary  books  of  reference "  are  meant  the  following  : 

(A)  A  good  dictionary.  Every  school  may  be  presumed  to  have  at 
least  a  Webster,  a  Worcester,  or  a  Stormonth.  Many  schools  pro- 
vide also  one  of  the  larger  dictionaries,  the  Century,  the  Standard, 
or  the  Imperial.  Therefore  many  words  are  inserted  in  the  notes 
with  a  mere  query,  the  object  of  the  editor  being  to  induce  some 
appreciation  of  the  nicety  of  De  Quincey's  diction  by  the  only 
adequate  means — personal  investigation.  Consideration  of  etymol- 
ogy is  suggested  only  where  it  appeals  to  the  student's  knowledge  of 
common  classical  roots,  prefixes,  and  suffixes.  Some  teachers  may 
find  it  worth  while  to  push  this  farther.  The  study  of  the  diction 
will  receive  additional  profit  from  the  use  of  a  good  book  of  syno- 
nyms, for  instance  Smith's  Synonyms  Discriminated. 

(B)  A  good  manual  of  universal  history.  The  following  one-vol- 
ume manuals  are  in  common  use: 

(a)  Fisher,  George  P. :  Outlines  of  Universal  History  (New  York 
and  Chicago,  The  American  Book  Co.).  This  is  a  continuous  sum- 
mary narrative,  with  dates,  maps,  charts,  etc. 

(&)  Ploetz,  Carl  :  Epitome  of  Ancient,  Mediaeval,  and  Modern  His- 
tory, translated,  with  extensive  additions,  by  William  H.  Tilling- 
hast  (Boston,  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.).  This  is  a  classified  date- 
book,  with  brief,  clear  summaries. 

(c)  Andrews,  E.  Benjamin  :  Brief  Institutes  of  General  History 
(Boston,  Silver,  Burdette  &  Co.).  This  is  narrative,  by  periods,  each 
period  prefaced  by  a  brief  bibliography. 

{d)  Labberton,  Robert  H. :  New  Historical  Atlas  and  General 
History  (New  York,  Townsend  MacCoun).     The  chief  value  of  this 


NOTES  09 

book  is  in  its  maps.  The  summaries  of  periods  are  briefer  than  in 
the  other  books.     There  are  brief  bibliographies  of  each  period. 

(a)  and  (i),  Fisher  and  Ploetz,  are  referred  to  by  page  in  the  fol- 
lowing notes.  Such  a  manual  may  be  supplemented,  or  its  place 
may  often  be  taken ;  either  by  one  of  the  briefer  cyclopaedias — John- 
son's, Chambers's,  Appleton's,  or  the  International;  or  by  the  ordi- 
nary manuals  of  Greek,  Roman,  and  English  history  respectively. 
References  are  also  made,  sparingly,  to  the  classic  histories  of  Gib- 
bon, Grote,  Josephus,  etc.,  to  stimulate  such  students  as  have  access 
to  a  good  library. 

(C)  A  good  atlas.  Some  of  the  places  mentioned  in  the  narrative 
are  obscure,  but  most  will  be  found  even  in  the  larger  school  geog- 
raphies. All  doubtful  points  receive  comment  in  the  notes.  A 
rough  clue  to  the  route  of  the  Kalmucks,  which  was,  of  course,  wide, 
and  far  from  straight,  may  be  gained  by  drawing  a  line  from  Astra- 
khan at  the  mouth  of  the  Volga  to  the  northern  end  of  the  Caspian 
Sea,  thence  to  the  northern  end  of  the  Aral  Sea,  and  finally  to  the 
borders  of  China  at  Lake  Balkash.  The  stages  of  the  flight  are 
marked,  as  De  Quincey  says,  by  "the  central  rivers  of  Asia" — the 
LTral  (or  Jaik),  the  Emba  (or  Jemba),  and  the  Irgitch.] 

T[  1.  The  first  sentence  expresses  the  subject  both  of  this  paragraph 
and  of  the  whole  piece. 

[Words  to  examine:  romantic  (3  11),  Aorfianc (compare  barharoiia) 
(3  14),  leeming  (3  19).] 

3  5.  Tartar,  more  properly  Tatar.  See  p.  xxvi.,  and  consult  a 
cyclopaedia.  The  term  is  no  longer  very  specific.  As  ordinarily 
used,  it  refers  to  the  Mongols.  Doubtless  the  proverb  about  catching 
a  Tartar,  i.  e. ,  getting  a  captive  too  strong  to  manage,  is  one  of  the 
many  echoes  of  the  terror  inspired  by  the  great  Mongol  invasions. 
See  page  xxv.,  and  the  note  on  30  11. 

3  5.  Steppes.  The  Russian  steppes  correspond  roughly  to  the 
North  American  prairies  and  the  South  American  pampas,  in  that 
they  are  treeless  and  often  grassy;  but  in  degree  of  vegetation  they 
are  more  like  the  Scotch  heaths. 

3  C.  Terminus  a  quo.  Is  anything  gained  by  the  Latin  phrases  ? 
Find  exact  English  equivalents  for  both,  and  compare  61  8. 

3  8.  Christian,  Pagan.     Compare  11  13  and  the  note  thereon. 

3  23.  Miltonie  images.  Does  this  mean  simply  Milton's  images, 
or  is  there  a  kind  of  image  that  may  be  called  Miltonie  and,  if  so, 
what  kind  ? 


70  NOTES 

4  1.  2Vte  solitary  hand.  See  Paradise  Lost,  book  vi.,  lines  139, 
834;  and  compare  book  x.,  431. 

U  2.  The  revolt  may  challenge  comparison  with  other  great  na- 
tional catastrophes  as  to  its  dramatic  capabilities. 

[Words  to  examine  :  catastrophes  (4  6  ;  etymology  ?  equivalent  to 
calamities  9  Compare  32  34,  64  2),  collation  (4  10),  sanctions 
(4  14),  anabasis  (4  24,  etymology?),  hatabasis  (4  30),  oracle  (4  31).] 

4  18.   "  Venice  Preserved,'"  by  Thomas  Otway,  appeared  in  1682. 

4  19.  The  "  Fiesco  "  of  Schiller  was  written  in  1782.  The  scene 
is  laid  at  Venice  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

4  24-27.  These  references  may  be  explained  with  the  aid  of  the 
common  histories  of  Greece  and  of  Rome.  Their  place  and  bearing 
will  be  better  understood  by  reference  to  Fisher  or  to  Ploetz,  as  fol- 
lows : 

4  24.  Cambyses,  Fisher,  p.  67;  Ploetz,  p.  27. 

4  25.  Cyrus,  Fisher,  p.  109;  Ploetz,  p.  29. 

4  27.  Crassus,  Fisher,  p.  163;  Ploetz,  pp.  30,  140. 

4  27.  Julian,  Fisher,  p.  194;  Ploetz,  pp.  160,  188.  De  Quincey 
evidently  refers  to  Julian's  expedition  against  the  Persians,  re- 
counted in  chapter  xxiv.  of  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire. 

4  30.  Napoleon.  Consult  a  cyclopaedia,  a  history  of  modem  Eu- 
rope, or  Fisher,  p.  530 ;  Ploetz,  p.  474. 

4  33.  Great  Scriptural  Exodus.  Cite  the  chapters  in  which  this 
is  recorded. 

IT  3.  The  story  has  even  great  scenical  possibilities. 
[Words  to  examine  :  invests  (5  4,  etymology?),  scenical {5  8),  tragi- 
cal (5  23,  terrible?),  authentic  (o  28).] 

5  14.  Wolga,  pronounced  and  usually  written  in  English  Volga 
(De  Quincey  follows  Bergmann's  German  spelling);  the  largest  river 
of  Russia.  Consult  a  map.  The  Kalmucks  were  near  the  southern 
course  of  the  Volga,  not  far  from  its  mouths. 

T[  4.  The  situation  as  to  the  two  main  persons  involved  is  as 
follows. 

[Words  to  examine:  quality  (6  2),  humanised  (6  8),  exasperated 
(6  12,  etymology?),  surveillance  (6  16),  dilemma  (623),  kindness,  affa- 
bility (7  20),  pretensions  (7  25).  Compare  (10  24),  dissimulation 
— hypocrisy — perfidy  (8  5).] 

5  34.  Kalmucks.  See  page  xxv.  Assumed  the  sceptre.  Does  this 
expression  seem  a  trifle  too  grand?  Have  you  noticed  any  parallels 
in  this  piece  ? 


NOTES  71 

6  2.  Khan  is  a  Tartar  word  for  sovereign  prince,  as  in  Genghis 
Khan,  Kubla  Khan.  In  earlier  English  it  often  appears  as  Cham. 
"  The  great  Cham  of  Tartary  "  is  a  common  expression. 

6  13.  Nationality — unparalleled.  De  Quincey  probably  refers  to 
the  strong  racial  peculiarities  of  the  Mongols  (see  p.  xxvi.),  per- 
haps also  to  their  great  military  achievements. 

6  17.  Lord  paramount  (compare  65  10),  a  feudal  term.  In  the 
feudal  system  all  the  land  of  a  country  theoretically  belonged  to  the 
king  or  emperor,  who  was  lord  paramount ;  i.e.,  lord  over  all  other 
lords.  De  Quincey  very  likely  caught  the  word  from  Hooker,  who 
says  of  the  Pope,  in  A  Discourse  of  Justification :  "  Let  him  no 
longer  count  himselfe  lord  paramount  over  the  princes  of  the 
world."    (Quoted  in  Skeat's  Etymological  Dictionary.) 

6  17.  Czar,  or  Tsar,  i.e.,  emperor.  By  some  authorities  the 
word  is  derived  ultimately,  like  the  German  Kaiser,  from  the  Latin 
Caesar,  the  cognomen  of  the  great  Caius  Julius.  The  feminine  is 
Czarina,  empress,  used  at  12  24  and  elsewhere  throughout  the  piece. 

6  18.  Natural  unamidbleness  does  not  seem  warranted. 

^  5.  The  first  step  in  the  plot  of  Zebek  Dorchi  was  to  have  the 
government  of  the  Kalmucks  so  reorganized  as  to  give  him  control. 

[Words  to  examine  :  sagacious  (8  12)  ;  hoodwinked  (8  22,  etymol- 
ogy ?  original  application  H)  ;  soliciting  (8  31)  ;  covertly  (8  35,  ety- 
mology ?)  ;  balance  of  power  (9  6,  explain  this  common  figure)  ;  svh- 
ordinate — co-ordinate  (9  10,  etymology  ?) ;  passion  (10  6)]. 

8  5.  Machiavelian.  Consult  the  Century  Dictionary,  or  a  cyclo- 
paedia under  the  heading  Machiavelli. 

8  15.  Elizabeth  Petrowna.     See  18  22. 

8  28.  Tcherkask,  one  of  the  most  important  towns  in  the  country 
of  the  Don  Cossacks,  is  on  the  River  Don,  near  its  mouth,  and  so  not 
far  from  the  Sea  of  Azov. 

8  29.  Sixty-five  tents ;  i.e.,  sixty-five  families.  Among  the  Mon- 
gol nomads  this  is  a  common  method  of  counting. 

9  1.  Point  of  that  wedge.  The  proverb  is  usually  heard,  "  the 
thin  end  of  the  wedge,"  or  "the  entering  wedge."  What  is  the 
allusion  ? 

9  5.  Re-organized.    See  Appendix  C,  p.  91. 

9  24.  300  roubles.  The  rouble,  or  ruble,  is  a  Russian  coin  worth, 
at  standard  value,  seventy-seven  cents.  The  word  is  cognate  with 
rupee,  the  standard  coin  (two  shillings)  of  British  India. 

H  6.  Having  accomplished  this  re-organization,  he  dared  to  con- 
cert the  revolt  of  the  whole  Kalmuck  people  from  Russia. 


72  NOTES 

[Words  to  examine:  exchequer  (10  15);  consanguinity  (10  25,  ety- 
mology T)  ;  colossal  (11  6);  potentate  (11  11);  autocrat  (12  4,  etymo- 
logy ?);  translation  (12  8).] 

119.  Behemoth.  See  Joft  xl.  15.  Whether  the  animal  meant  is 
some  species  of  the  elephant  or  of  the  hippopotamus  is  not  certain. 
Bergmann's  figure  (vol.  i.,  p.  154)  is  of  a  giant  and  a  dwarf.  Why 
is  De  Quincey's  more  effective  ? 

1111.  Three  hundred  languages.  It  is  easy  to  think  of  Russia  as 
only  a  European  power.  Examine  on  the  map  the  extent  of  the  Rus- 
sian territory,  observe  that  it  is  quite  as  much  Asiatic  as  Euro- 
pean, and  the  basis  of  De  Quincey's  statement  will  appear.  No 
other  nation  in  all  history  has  combined  so  many  races  or  in  such 
numbers. 

11  13.  "  Ldon  ramp  "  is  quoted  from  Milton's  Samson  Agonistes, 
line  139. 

1113.  "  Baptized  atid  infidel."  The  allusion  is  to  Paradise  Lost, 
book  i.,  line  582;  but  Milton  says  "baptized  or  infidel."  Examine 
the  other  quotations  in  this  piece  as  to  their  accuracy.  Does  the 
result  seem  to  indicate  anything  more  than  that  De  Quincey  habitu- 
ally quoted  from  memory  without  verification  ? 

Infidel,  from  the  time  of  the  Crusades  came  to  be  applied  especially 
to  the  Mohammedans  ;  and  the  antithesis  baptized  and  infidel  re- 
minds one  forcibly  how  religious  differences  emphasized  the  hetero- 
geneity of  the  immense  Russian  empire. 

11  15.  "  Barbaric  East "  is  probably  an  inaccurate  recollection  of 
Paradise  Lost,  book  ii. ,  lines  3  and  4. 

11  21.  The  unity  of  a  well-laid  tragic  fable  ;  i.e.,  the  unity  of  a 
well-planned  tragic  plot.  For  a  definition  of  literary  unity  in  gen- 
eral see  page  xxxiii.  The  allusion  here  is  to  the  so-called  three 
dramatic  unities:  the  unity  of  action,  according  to  which  a  drama 
should  unfold  one  main  action,  or  plot,  to  which  all  other  lines  of 
action  should  be  subordinate;  the  unity  of  time,  according  to  which 
the  action  should  be  accomplished  in  one  day;  and  the  unity  of  place, 
according  to  which  the  scene  should  not  be  changed.  These  are  also 
called  the  Aristotelian  unities;  but  Aristotle  (in  his  PoeticsMnsists 
only  on  the  first.  The  other  two,  though  occasionally  kept  with 
striking  effect  in  all  ages  of  the  drama,  have  had  continued  prevalence 
only  on  the  Greek  stage,  and  the  French  stage  of  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries.     Compare  4  16. 

12  26.  Kien  Long,  "Emperor  of  China  from  1785  to  1796,  was 
the  fourth  Chinese  Emperor  of  the  Mantchoo-Tartar  dynasty,  and  a 


NOTES!  78 

man  of  the  highest  reputation  for  ability  and  accomplishment." 
Masaon  (see  Fisher,  p.  449 ;  Ploetz,  p.  444).  His  portrait  appears  as 
the  frontispiece  to  the  report  of  the  Earl  of  Macartney's  embassy,'  a 
book  that  De  Quincey  seems  to  have  read  with  some  attention.  The 
Emperor  was  a  patron  of  letters,  and  himself  a  poet. 

12  27.  Respect  for  the  head  of  their  religion.  This  consideration 
is  mentioned  by  Father  Amiot  (see  Appendix  B,  p.  89).  China  con- 
tained at  this  time  a  large  proportion  of  Lamaists,  who  enjoyed  the 
more  favour  as  the  reigning  dynasty  was  Tartar. 

12  28.  China.  Western  nations  incline  to  think  contemptuously  of 
China,  and  it  is  now  declining,  perhaps  falling.  But  it  still  contains 
an  amazing  proportion  of  the  population  and  wealth  of  the  world, 
and  the  farther  back  one  goes  in  history,  the  more  important  appears 
the  Celestial  Empire.  Even  to-day  nothing  is  more  striking  than  the 
perpetuation  of  its  traditions  from  the  remotest  antiquity,  and  the 
impenetrable  pride  of  the  nation  that  still  thinks  itself  the  greatest 
in  the  world.  De  Quincey's  interest  in  China  is  one  instance  of  the 
breadth  of  his  sympathies.  In  1857  he  published  a  pamphlet  on  the 
relations  of  the  empire  to  England. 

12  30.  The  great  ChineseWaU  (consult  a  cyclopaedia),  said  to  have 
been  finished  in  the  third  century,  has  become  a  proverb  of  exclu- 
siveness.  The  account  of  the  embassy  of  the  Earl  of  Macartney 
shows  plans,  sections,  and  elevations  of  this  wall  (plates  23  and  24), 
and  a  detailed  account  of  its  appearance  and  construction  (vol.  ii., 
pp.  178-199.)    See  Ploetz,  p.  32. 

^  7.  The  accomplices  and  the  time  were  duly  arranged. 

[Words  to  examine:  substantial  (13  25)  ; pontiff  (13  29) ;  facility, 
profound  (13  34.,  put  the  phrase  into  simpler  words)  ;  of  course 
(14  19);  hostages  (14  30);  cogent  (14  31,  etymology  ?);  jZa<  (15  23).] 

13  17.  Great  Lama.  A  lama  is  a  Mongol  priest.  The  reverence 
in  which  the  great  Lamas  are  held  among  the  Kalmucks  is  due  to 
the  Buddhist  doctrine  of  re-incarnation,  according  to  which  these 
higher  priests  are  living  Buddhas,  successive  appearances  of  the  god 
in  the  flesh. 

14  9.  Only,  properly  placed  ? 

14  10.  The  Dalai- Lama  might  be  called  the  Lamaist  Pope. 
Theoretically  co-ordinate  with  the  Bandchan  (or  Bantschin)  Lama, 
he  is  practically  superior,  has  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  control, 
and,  in  short,  occupies  much  the  same  position  as  the  great  Popes 
of  the  middle  ages.  The  great  temporal  power  of  the  Dalai-Lama 
>  See  Appendix  A,  Staunton. 


74  NOTES 

dates  from  1643,  the  year  of  the  revolution  overthrowing  the  party 
of  the  "  red  lamas  "  and  exalting  that  of  the  "  yellow  lamas."  ' 

14  11.  Tibet,  or  Thibet  (consult  a  map).  The  seat  of  the  Dalai- 
Lama  is  at  Lassa  (Lhassa).     Father  Hue  thus  describes  the  palace  : 

"The  palace  of  the  Tale  Lama  well  deserves  the  celebrity  it 
enjoys.  Towards  the  northern  part  of  the  town,  at  a  small  dis- 
tance from  it,  there  rises  a  rocky  mountain  of  no  great  elevation, 
and  conical  in  form  ;  bearing  the  name  of  Buddha-La,  that  is,  the 
Divine  Mountain,  and  on  this  grand  site  the  adorers  of  the  Tal6 
Buddha  have  reared  a  palace  to  their  living  and  incarnate  divinity. 
This  palace  consists  of  a  cluster  of  temples,  varying  in  size  and 
beauty  ;  the  central  temple  has  an  elevation  of  four  stories  ;  the 
dome  is  entirely  covered  with  plates  of  gold,  and  is  surrounded  by  a 
peristyle  of  which  the  columns  are  likewise  gilded.  Here  the  Tale 
Lama  has  fixed  his  residence,  and  from  the  height  of  his  sanctuary 
can  contemplate,  on  days  of  high  solemnities,  his  countless  worship- 
pers, thronging  the  plain  and  prostrating  themselves  at  the  base  of 
the  Sacred  Mountain.  The  secondary  palaces  grouped  around 
accommodate  a  crowd  of  Lamas  whose  continued  occupation  is  to 
serve  and  wait  on  the  living  Buddha.  Two  fine  avenues,  bordered 
with  magnificent  trees,  lead  from  Lha-Ssa  to  this  temple,  and  there 
may  be  seen  a  multitude  of  pilgrims  unrolling  between  their  fingers 
the  long  Buddhist  rosaries,  and  the  Lamas  of  the  Court  splendidly 
dressed,  and  mounted  on  horses  richly  caparisoned.  There  is  con- 
tinual motion  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Buddha-La,  but  the  multitude 
is  generally  silent  and  serious." — (vol.  ii.,  p.  148.) 

Lassa  is  now  closed  to  foreigners. 

^  8.  To  preclude  suspicion,  Oubacha  was  persuaded  to  contribute 
even  more  than  his  usual  contingent  for  the  war  with  Turkey. 

[Words  to  examine  :  vassalage  (16  30);  contingent  (15  31);  pre- 
sentiment— misgiving  (1 6  2)]. 

15  28.  War  raged.  "  The  war  was  begun  in  1768,  when  Mus- 
tapha  III.  was  Sultan  of  Turkey  ;  and  it  was  continued  till  1774." 
— Masson.    See  Ploetz,  p.  412. 

15  29.  The  Sultan.  The  title  applies  to  any  Mohammedan  sov- 
ereign, but  especially,  as  here,  to  the  Emperor  of  Turkey.  In  earlier 
English  the  word  appears  as  Soldan  or  Sowdan. 

16  2.  But  that,  an  error  for  simple  hut.     Compare  36  26. 
H  9.  With  this  array  Oubacha  gained  a  memorable  victory. 

'  Howorth,  vol.  i.,  pp.  515-517.  The  names  of  the  parties  refer,  of  course,  to  thar 
costumes. 


NOTES  75 

16  84.   Victory.    See  Appendix  C,  p.  92. 

1[  10.  But  unfortunately  the  victory  remained  unhonoured  by  the 
Empress. 

[Words  to  examine  :  marahal  (17  8);  accommodation  (17  2d); pre- 
occupied (17  32);  vouchers  (19  7) ;  presumption  (19  9)]. 

17  9.  Paladin,  "a  term  originally  derived  from  the  counts  Pala- 
tine, or  of  the  palace,  who  were  the  highest  dignitaries  in  the 
Byzantine  court,  and  thence  used  generally  for  a  lord  or  chieftain, 
and  by  the  Italian  romantic  poets  for  a  knight-errant." — Internof 
tional  Cyclopaedia.     Consult  one  of  the  larger  dictionaries. 

17  24.  Ukase,  "an  edict  or  order,  legislative  or  administrative, 
emanating  from  the  Russian  government." — Century  Dictionary. 

18  3.  Ugly,  stupid,  and  filthy  barbarians.  "  If  these  nomads  were 
despised  as  barbarians  by  their  cultivated  neighbours,  they  had  too 
great  an  opinion  of  their  own  descent  and  religion  to  feel  affronted." 
— Bergmann,  vol.  i.,  p.  147. 

18  7.  Barbarous  religion.    See  p.  xxviii. 

18  8.  Kalmuck  priesthood.     See  notes  on  13  17  and  14  10. 

\%\5.  Bashkirs.  Consult  a  cyclopaedia.  The  Bashkirs  are  partly 
Mongol — i.e.,  of  the  same  race  as  the  Kalmucks,  partly  Finnish — 
i.e.,  of  the  ancient  race  of  the  northern  provinces  of  Russia.  They 
are  Mohammedans,  and  inferior  in  intellect. 

18  22.  Elizabeth  Pe^rozma  (1741-1762);  Catherine  II.  (1762-1796). 
See  Ploetz,  p.  411,  and,  for  Catherine,  a  cyclopaedia. 

If  11.  Even  had  the  victory  been  honoured,  Zebek-Dorchi  had  taken 
secure  measures  to  prevent  any  weakening  on  the  part  of  Oubacha. 

[Words  to  examine:  ghostly  (20  9);  effectually  (20  17);  derived 
(20  29);  collateral  (20  29,  etymology  7);  facility  (21  4).] 

19  18.   Weseloff.    See  HH  34,  35. 

19  29.  Dark  and  mysterious  rites,  etc.     See  Appendix  C,  p.  92. 

^  12.  The  plan  of  revolt  was  finally  divulged  to  the  Kalmucks 
through  the  feint  of  an  expedition  against  the  Kirghises. 

[Words  to  examine:  rhetoric  (22  23);  circumscribe  (22  34);  en 
masse  (28  14).] 

21  31.  One  vast  conflagration.  Compare  27  29  and  Appendix  C, 
p.  92. 

21  38.  Huts.  Rather  tents  (compare  8  29).  They  are  made  of 
felt  and  are  called  yurts. 

22  15.  Kirghises,  Kirghiz  or  Kirghis.  Consult  a  cyclopspdia. 
These  people  are  partly  Mongol — resembling  the  Kalmucks  strongly 
in  looks— partly  Tartar,   speaking  a  Turkish  dialect.    They  are, 


76  NOTES 

perhaps,  the  least  civilized  of  the  nomad  tribes  of  the  steppes,  and 
have  hardly  even  now  been  cured  of  their  predatory  habits.  For 
centuries  they  have  divided  themselves  into  the  Great  Horde,  the 
Middle  Horde,  and  the  Little  Horde,  and  they  have  given  their  name 
to  the  steppes  as  far  as  China. 

22  17.  Immemorial  custom.  This  is  perhaps  based  on  a  remark 
of  Bergmann  (ii.,  191):  "On  a  summons  to  vrar  every  tent  is 
bound  to  furnish  one  man."  See  Appendix  C  on  this  whole  para- 
graph. 

23  1.  Sarepta.  The  point  of  the  reference  to  this  particular  town 
is  that  it  was  a  colony  of  industrious  Germans,  having  been  founded 
in  1764  or  1765  by  the  Moravian  Brethren.  It  is  situated  on  the 
Sarpa,  near  where  that  stream  empties  into  the  Volga.  The  nearest 
large  town  is  Tsaritsin,  fifteen  miles  to  the  north. 

The  reference  is  not  in  Bergmann.  It  makes  specific,  and  there- 
fore more  striking,  an  allusion  of  Bergmann's  (i.,  182)  to  '*  German 
immigrants." 

^  J 3.  The  representations  of  Zebek-Dorchi  to  the  Kalmuck  chiefs 
were  too  plausible  to  be  withstood. 

[Words  to  examine  :  attdience  (23  25  and  24  13);  seduction  (24  5); 
conscious  (24  10).] 

24  7.  Teinha,  an  error  for  Jemba  (or  Emba),  a  river  rising  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Muchajar  (Mougaldchares,  39  14)  Mountains  (about 
48°  N.,  58°  E.),  and  flowing  S.W.  into  the  Caspian  Sea  (at  about 
47°  N.,  53°  E.) 

IT  14.  The  result  was  immediate  and  universal  preparation  for 
revolt. 

H  15.  The  Imperial  Commissioner  Kichinskoi  played  into  the 
hands  of  the  Kalmucks  by  his  stupid  and  arrogant  vanity. 

[Words  to  examine  :  arrogant  (25  1,  etymology  ?)  ;  infatuation 
(25  23).] 

24  25.  Kichinskoi.  In  all  the  earlier  historians,  except  Berg- 
mann, the  tyranny  of  Kichinskoi  is  alleged  as  the  moving  cause  of 
the  revolt. 

^  16.  The  warning  despatches  of  the  Governor  of  Astrakhan  to 
the  court  soon  proved  too  true. 

[Words  to  examine  :  crisis  (25  35),  bigotry  (26  8).] 

26  1.  Governor  of  Astrachan.  Astrachan  (Astrakhan)  is  a  large 
town  on  the  Volga,  about  thirty  miles  from  its  mouth.  Its  com- 
merce is  mainly  in  the  products  of  the  immense  sturgeon  fisheries  of 
the  Caspian. 


NOTES  77 

IF  17.  The  revolt  began  with  the  destruction  of  the  Kalmuck  vil- 
lages.   (See  Appendix  C.) 

27  8.  Bth  of  January.  Compare  Appendix  B,  p.  89.  De  Quin- 
cey  follows  Bergmann. 

27  7.  Troops  and  squadrons.  Examine  the  military  terms 
throughout  this  paragraph. 

^r  18.  The  failure  of  the  Western  Kalmucks  to  join  saved  the 
neighbouring  Russians  from  a  terrible  vengeance. 

[Words  to  examine  :  valedictory  (28  6) ;  aggravate  (28  25) ;  prac- 
tised {29  11).] 

28  11.  And  such  treatment,  etc.    What  does  this  mean? 
IT  19.  (Subject  in  the  fii'st  sentence.) 

T[  20.  The  horror  of  this  great  migration  is  hardly  paralleled  in 
history.' 

80  10.  Sudden  inroads.  "  Since  the  centuries  of  the  tribal 
migrations,  none  of  those  overwhelming  hordes  had  turned  back  to 
its  old  fatherland  until  the  Kalmucks  made  an  exception." — Berg- 
mann, i.,  141.  This  remark  of  Bergmann's  puts  the  Kalmuck  revolt 
in  a  wrong  light,  but  may  have  suggested  the  train  of  reflection  in 
this  paragraph. 

30  11.  Huns.  See  Fisher,  pp.  196,  204,  209;  Ploetz,  pp.  170, 
173;  and  a  cyclopaedia  under  the  headings  Huns  and  Attila. 

30  11.  Avars:  Fisher,  pp.  221,  223;  Ploetz,  pp.  175,  185.  Mongol 
Tartars :  Fisher,  pp.  283,  351  ;  Ploetz,  p.  240  ;  cyclopaedia,  under 
the  headings  Mongols,  Tartars,  Genghis  Khan,  Tamerlane;  and 
pp.  XXV.,  XX vi.  of  the  introduction  to  this  book.  By  some  authori- 
ties the  Huns  are  classed  as  Mongols.  It  seems  more  probable,  how- 
ever, that  the  Huns  and  Avars  were  both  Turanian  peoples,  the 
ancient  Scythians.  Gibbon  (chapter  xxvi.  and  note)  makes  the  com- 
parison with  the  Huns,  and  his  note  may  have  led,  not  only  to  this 
comparison,  but  to  the  whole  piece. 

30  17.  French  retreat.     See  4  30,  and  the  note  thereon. 

30  22.  Vials  of  wrath.  The  allusion  is  to  the  Book  of  Revela- 
tion, especially  chapters  xv.  and  xvi.  De  Quincey  uses  the  same 
figure  in  The  English  Mail  Coach,  "like  the  opening  of  apocalyptic 
vials." 

31  7.   Utterly  unequal.     See  note  on  65  21, 

81  19.  Pestilence — Athens.  Fisher,  p.  103.  The  famous  descrip- 
tion of  this  is  in  chapters  xlvii.  to  liv.  of  the  second  book  of  Thucy- 

>  From  this  point  on,  the  paragraph  summaries  and  the  noting  of  words  for  exami- 
nation are  left,  except  for  occasional  references,  to  the  teacher  and  the  student 


78  NOTES 

dides.     A  full  and  interesting  account  is  given  in  Grote's  History  of 
Greece,  chapter  xlix. 

81  31.  London— Charles  II.  This  is  the  Great  Plague  (1665). 
See  Fisher,  p.  459,  and  Defoe's  Journal  of  the  Plague  Year  in  this 
series. 

31  28.  Siege  of  Jerusalem.  Fisher,  p.  180  ;  Ploetz,  p.  152.  The 
famous  account  of  this  is  in  books  v.  and  vi.  of  The  Jewish  War  of 
Joseph  us. 

H  21  gives  the  clue  to  De  Quincey's  conception  and  treatment. 
Compare  pp.  xxxi.,  xxxii. 

82  6.   The  River  Jaik  is  now  called  the  Ural. 

82  35.  Climax,  etymology  ? 

83  16.  Achamement  ?    "What  is  gained  by  the  French  word  ? 
nriT  23-27.  See  Appendix  C. 

83  34.  Cossacks  (Kazaks,  Kasaks).  Consult  a  cyclopaedia.  Their 
race  is  disputed,  but  seems  to  be  mainly  Russian.  They  were  an 
independent,  democratic  people,  but  for  centuries  have  served  as 
Russian  cavalry,  especially  on  the  frontiers.  Mazeppa  was  a  Cossack 
chief.  Note  in  Tennyson's  Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade,  "  Cossack 
and  Russian  reeled  at  the  sabre-stroke." 

34  5.  Fisheries  upon  the  Caspian.  Many  thousands  are  still  en- 
gaged in  these  fisheries.  The  line  formed  by  the  Caspian  Sea  and 
the  Ural  Mountains  is  regarded  as  the  boundary  between  Europe  and 
Asia.     See  a  cyclopaedia  under  the  heading  Caspian. 

84  8.  Koulagina.  It  is  difficult,  and  not  important,  to  locate 
this  certainly.  It  was  one  of  a  line  of  stockade-forts  along  the  Ural. 
Andree's  Atlas  (plate  71)  marks,  about  fifty  miles  from  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  a  town  which  appears,  in  the  Russian  form,  as  Kulas- 
chinskaja. 

34  8.  Invested,  summoned  ? 

34  10.  Few  light  pieces  of  artillery.     See  Appendix  C,  p.  93. 

34  29.  Ouloss  (ulus).  Bergmann  (i.,  194,  note)  describes  it  as  a 
large  tribal  company,  under  the  command  of  a  khan,  a  prince,  or 
even  a  simple  noble  (saissang). 

34  30.  Feka-Zechorr,  apparently  an  error  for  Bergmann's  Jeka- 
Zechorr.     Cf.  Temba  for  Jemba  (24  7). 

35  2.  Evasion  f 

86  8.  Torgai.    See  note  on  40  15. 

86  30.   Unexampled  triumph  is  difficult  to  understand.    It  is,  peiv 
haps,  mere  exaggeration  of  phrase. 
37  5,    "  Trashed."    Does  it  seem  worth  while  to  use  a  word  that 


NOTES  79 

requires  a  foot  note  ?    Cf.  56  10.    The  passage  from  Bon4vca  is  in 
act  i.,  scene  1,  line  49  : — 

^'  Nennius.    And  what  did  you  then,  Caratach  ? 
Carafach.     1  fled  too  ; 

But  not  so  fast, — your  jewel  had  been  lost  then, 
Young  Ilengo  there  ;  he  trash'd  me,  Nennius : 
For,  when  your  fears  out-run  him,  then  stept  I, 
And  in  the  head  of  all  the  Roman  fury 
Took  him,  and  with  my  tough  belt  to  my  back 
I  buckled  him  ;  behind  him  my  sure  shield  ; 
And  then  I  followed." 
Dyce,  in  a  note  on  this  passage,  says  the  noun  trash  is  a  hunting 
term  for  a  clog  tied  round  the  neck  of  a  too-forward  dog. 

87  24.  Draudng  the  tent-ropes,  drawing  the  tent-pegs  ?  Weseloflf, 
or  at  any  rate  Bergmann,  has  not  recorded  this.  In  fact,  the  infer- 
ence from  Bergmann  is  that  Weseloff  did  not  "record"  at  all,  but 
recounted  his  story  by  word  of  mouth. 

88  30.  Seventy  thousand.  For  the  numbers  involved  in  the  revolt, 
see  the  note  on  66  21. 

88  33.  In  reversion  ? 

89  1.  Large  masses,  powerful  division.  Compare  Appendix  C, 
p.  93. 

89  13.  Ouchim.  This  deflle  is  not  easily  located.  It  is  not  in  the 
gazetteers,  nor  on  such  maps  as  were  accessible  to  the  editor. 

89  14.  The  hills  of  Mougaldchares  (Mugodschar  or  Muchajar 
Mountains)  are  a  lower  continuation  of  the  Ural  range,  and  extend 
from  the  latter  southwest  toward  the  Aral  Sea. 

40  4.  Polish  dragoons.  The  adjective  refers  not  to  the  nationality, 
but  to  the  equipment  of  the  cavalry.  Thus  there  was  at  one  time 
in  the  French  army  a  corps  called  Chasseurs  d'Afrique,  and  in  both 
the  French  army  and  that  of  the  Northern  troops  in  our  own  Civil 
"War  a  corps  of  Zouaves.  Similarly,  at  55  12,  De  Quincey  speaks  of 
yagers  among  the  Chinese  troops.  Perhaps  both  Polish  dragoon  and 
yager  were  well-known  military  terms  in  1837.  At  any  rate  there  is 
no  gain  in  scrutinizing  them  too  closely,  since  the  context  in  both 
cases  seems  to  be  pure  invention. 

IT  28.  40  14.  Irgitch  (Irghiz,  Irgheez,  Irgiz).  The  name  is  common 
to  several  rivei-s.  The  one  meant  is  apparently  the  Irgiz-Koom, 
which  rises  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Muchajar  Mountains  (39  14) 
and  flows  southeast  into  Lake  Chalkar  (Tschalkar  Tengis),  a  large 
body  of  water  northeast  of  the  Aral  Sea. 


80  NOTES 

40  15.  Torgau  and  Torgai  are  the  spellings  used  by  De  Quincey, 
commonly  the  former.  Turgai  is  the  accepted  form.  The  name 
applies:  (1)  to  a  district;  (2)  to  the  chief  town  of  that  district  (as 
apparently  at  5  20);  (3)  to  a  river,  the  Kara-Turgai  (as  here  and  at 
36  8),  -which  flows,  with  many  windings  (N.W.,  W.,  S.W,),  in  a 
general  westerly  direction,  and  eventually  makes  connection,  through 
a  chain  of  lakes,  with  the  Irgiz-Koom.  The  town  Turgai,  which 
gives  the  best  clue,  and  stands  about  midway  of  the  river's  course,  is 
about  49°  N.,  63°  E  ,  and  almost  due  north  of  Lake  Chalkar. 

40  18.  Large  Russian  army.     Cf.  39  1  and  Appendix  C,  p.  93. 
IF  29.  41  15.  Concurrently,  force  of  the  etymology  ? 

41  19.  Artillery.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  artillery  existed, 
except  in  De  Quincey's  imagination. 

41  27.  Sad  solitudes  of  the  steppes.  The  repetition  of  the  initial 
consonant  is  called  alliteration. 

41  31.  Aggravations,  etymology  ? 

42  13.  A  circle,  etc.  This  striking  picture  is  one  of  the  ampliflca- 
tions  of  De  Quincey's  fancy. 

U  30.  43  2.     See  note -on  65  21. 

43  5.  Only  the  camels.  The  statement  is  Bergmann's  ;  the  fine 
image  that  follows,  De  Quincey's.    Adust,  etymology  ? 

43  15.  The  tears  of  Xerxes.  For  the  great  event  referred  to  con- 
sult a  history  of  Greece,  or  Fisher,  p.  95 ;  Ploetz,  p.  58.  The  strik- 
ing incident  of  the  tears  is  recorded  in  the  seventh  book  of  Herod- 
otus, section  45.  The  fullest  account  in  English  of  the  expedition 
of  Xerxes  is  in  Grote's  History  of  Greece,  chapter  xxxviii. 

43  21.  Formally  debated,  like  minutes  of  council  {\9  \S),  sounds 
somewhat  too  formal  as  applied  to  the  Kalmucks. 

43  25.  Scape-goat,  etymology  ?  See  the  sixteenth  chapter  of 
Leviticus. 

44  14.  Presumption  f 

44  20.  Return  to  their  old  allegiance — 1616.  This  is  the  date  set 
by  Bergmann  (i.,  144)  for  the  swearing  of  allegiance  to  Russia.  The 
revolt  from  China  he  puts  "at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century."  Howorth  (vol.  i.,  p.  561)  supports  De  Quincey's  date,  and 
thus  removes  the  objection  of  Professor  Masson  (appendix  to  volume 
vii.  of  his  collective  edition). 

44  24.  Land  of  Promise — house  of  bondage.  What  is  the  allusion 
in  these  scriptural  phrases  ?  Compare  Deuteronomy  viii.  14  and  ix. 
28;  Exodus  xx.  2. 

IT  31.  44  34.     Orak  is  on  the  River  Or  (from  which  it  takes  its 


NOTES  81 

name),  near  where  it  joins  the  Ural,  and  at  the  southern  end  of  the 
Ural  chain  proper. 

45  1.  Oriembourg  (Orenburg),  not  the  large  town  of  that  name 
(52°  N.,  55°  E.),  which  is  west  of  Orsk,  but  a  fort  (50°  N.,  64°  E.)  on 
the  Turgai. 

45  15.  Sinister,  etymology  ? 

%  32.  See  Appendix  C. 

45  20.  Upon  this  fact  transpiring.  Is  this  grammatically  cor- 
rect ? 

IF  84.  48  5.  Hetman  (or  ataman),  a  Cossack  name  for  a  leader  or 
chief. 

IF  35.  51  5.  DesuUors.  See  desultor  in  a  Latin  dictionary,  and 
also  in  a  dictionary  of  classical  antiquities. 

51  29.  Doating,  now  commonly  spelled  doting. 

IF  37.  52  15.  ''  More  fell,"  etc.  Othello,  act  v.,  scene  2  (nes'-  the 
end  of  the  play). 

62  28.  A  crowded  population,  possible,  perhaps.,  ,Aut  certainly  not. 
probable.     Consult  a  map. 

53  4.  ^^  Fierce  varieties,"  a  reminiscence  perhaps  of  Paradise 
Lost,  book  ii.,  line  599,  perhaps  of  vii.,  272. 

53  6.  Post  equitem,  etc.,  a  famous  line  from  Horace,  in  the  first 
ode  of  book  iii.,  line  40. 

53  7.  The  undying  worm,  an  allusion  to  Isaiah  Ixvi.  24.  Com- 
pare also  S.  Mark  ix.  48. 

53  16.  ^'^  From  mom  to  dewy  eve."  This  familiar  quotation  is 
from  Paradise  Lost,  book  i.,  line  742. 

IF  38.  54  28.  A  gorgeous  hunting  lodge.  Since  the  whole  scene  is 
ima^nary,  it  is,  perhaps,  hardly  worth  while  to  inquire  into  the 
location  of  this  lodge.  But  from  the  reference  at  64  17  it  is  to  be 
inferred  that  De  Quincey  meant  the  summer  palace  at  Ge  Ho  (or  Zhe 
Hoi),  which  is  specified  by  Father  Amiot  as  the  place  of  the  audience 
to  the  Kalmuck  chiefs.  This  seems  the  more  probable  from  the  fact 
that  Ge  Ho  is  described  (vol.  ii.,  p.  206),  in  the  account  of  the  Earl 
of  Macartney's  embassy  (see  Appendix  A,  Staunton),  with  plates 
(8  and  9)  showing  the  location  beyond  the  Great  Wall  and  the  route 
thither  from  Pekin.  But  Ge  Uo,  instead  of  being  a  lodge  in  the 
forest,  is  a  town  with  a  palace  and  a  large  temple. 

54  85.  He  had  arrived.  The  Emperor's  presence  is  an  unwar- 
ranted and  improbable  assumption. 

55  12.  Yagers,  from  the  German  Jdger,  a  huntsman  ;  apparently 
a  military  term  of  De  Quincey's  time  for  troops  of  a  certain  equip- 


82  NOTES 

nient.  Compare  the  French  chasseur  in  a  similar  sense,  and  the 
note  on  40  4. 

66  10.  "Indorsed,"  Paradise  Regained,  book  iii.,  line  329. 
Etymology  ? 

66  16.  Pageant  f 

*[[  39.  66  32.  jffad!  senf/oricartZ  cowners,  probably  only  an  expan- 
sion of  "  Je  I'avais  prevu"  (62  10). 

66  32.  All  the  requisite  statements  and  petitions  is  absurdly  legal. 
Compare  documents — minutes  of  council  (19  14),  and  note  through- 
out the  absence  of  all  attempt  to  realize  the  character  and  habits  of 
the  Kalmuck  nomads. 

67  16.  Clangour  of  weapons.  The  noun  clangor  is  used  by  the 
Latin  poets,  especially  Vergil,  of  the  sound  of  wind  instruments  or 
the  cry  of  birds.  De  Quincey  probably  had  in  mind  the  more  com- 
mon words  clang  and  clank.  Consult  one  of  the  larger  dic- 
tionaries. 

ly  40.  68  6.  A  large  fresh-water  lake.  See  the  note  on  68  20. 
Unfortunately  this  lake  is  salt  !  Does  De  Quincey  seem  to  have  any 
appreciation  of  its  size  ?  From  this  point  on  test  the  indications  of 
geography,  especially  of  the  relative  positions  of  the  actors,  to  see  if 
these  indications  are  consistent  with  one  another  and  with  the  actual 
geography. 

68  7.  The  imperial  cavalry.  The  interposition  of  the  Chinese 
troops,  both  in  the  idea  and  in  all  the  details  {e.g.,  the  fort),  is 
apparently  pure  invention. 

^  41,  68  20.  The  lake  of  Tengis  (Tenghiz,  Tengheez,  Dengis). 
Several  lakes  in  the  Kirghiz  steppes  have  Tengis  {i.e.,  "sea") aflQxed 
to  their  specific  names  {e.g.,  Tschalkar  Tengis).  It  is  clear  from  the 
mention  of  the  river  Ily,  and  from  Bergmann's  specific  indication 
(see  Appendix  C),  that  the  lake  meant  is  Balkash  (45°-47°  N.,  73°- 
80°  E.).  It  receives  the  Ily  and  several  smaller  streams,  and,  like 
other  lakes  of  the  Kirghiz  steppes,  is  salt  and  has  no  outlet.  Its 
length  (N.E.-S.W.)  is  345  miles,  its  greatest  breadth  55  miles.  To 
the  west  and  north  lie  deserts.  After  the  Caspian  and  the  Aral,  it  is 
the  largest  body  of  water  in  the  steppes. 

68  20.  The  desert  of  Kohi  (Gobi,  Gobi,  or  Shamo)  is  a  wide  region 
to  the  west  of  Lake  Balkash  (40°-50°  N.,  90°-120°  E.),  comprising  a 
large  part  of  what  are  now  known  as  Mongolia  and  Chinese  Turkes- 
tan. Its  length  (E.-W.)  is  about  1,200  miles,  its  breadth  (N.-S.) 
500-700  miles.  Its  central  portion  is  shifting  sand.  In  the  north- 
ern and  the  southern  parts  are  broad  rocky  tracts,  with  some  oases. 


NOTES  83 

In  the  atlases  of  Andrfie  and  Stieler  the  eastern  portion  is  marked 
significantly  "Hunger-Steppe." 

58  32.  600,000-260,000.     See  the  note  on  65  31. 

60  26.   To  allow  of  men  raising  their  heads  is  ungrammatical. 

60  31.  The  eastern  side.    See  the  note  on  58  6. 

618.  "  Globes"  and  '' turms."  These  barbarisms  are  meant  to 
recall  the  Latin  military  terms  globi  and  turmce.  De  Quincey  may 
be  thinking  of  Milton,  who  uses  turms  in  Paradise  Regained,  book 
iv.,  line  66  ;  and  globe  in  Paradise  Lost,  ii.,  512,  though  without 
so  far  forcing  the  meaning  of  the  latter. 

IT  42.  62  4.  I'he  River  Ry  (Hi  or  Eelee)  rises  in  the  mountains  of 
Thian-Shan  (about  42°  N.,  81°  E.),  and  flows  N.E.,  then  N.N.W., 
into  Lake  Balkash.     Its  course  is  about  300  miles. 

62  6.  The  beneficent  attention  of  the  Chinese  Emperor  seems  indeed 
surprising.  Why  should  he  have  assumed  these  "  parental  cares  "  ? 
In  spite  of  the  "  smooth  and  specious  language  "  in  which,  as  Gibbon 
says,  his  inscription  is  couched,  there  is  more  than  one  hint  that  he 
could  not  help  it.  The  coming  of  the  Torgut  Kalmucks  was  practi- 
cally an  invasion  of  his  borders.  Father  Amiot  remarks  in  a  note: 
"  Here  the  Emperor  dare  not  speak  out.  I  will  speak  for  him.  He 
feared  with  reason  that  the  Torgotes  would  take  by  main  force  the 
region  which  they  regarded  as  their  ancient  fatherland.  With  the 
few  troops  then  at  or  near  the  Ily,  how  could  the  unexpected  irrup- 
tion have  been  prevented  ?  Large  armies  would  have  been  needed 
to  drive  the  Torgotes  back.  By  receiving  their  homage  and  estab- 
lishing them  himself  the  Emperor  avoided  the  whole  difficulty. 
War,  if  it  had  been  resorted  to,  must  have  been  most  bloody,  be- 
cause it  could  have  been  brought  to  a  close  only  by  the  total  extinc- 
tion of  that  branch  of  the  Eleutes.  Did  he  not  follow  the  wiser 
policy  in  taking  glory  for  an  event  which  the  Chinese  historians 
would  not  otherwise  have  failed  to  set  down  among  the  most 
ominous  of  his  reign  ?  "  ' 

Farther  on  he  adds:  "  It  must  be  admitted  that  the  Emperor  con- 
ducted himself  on  this  occasion  with  all  the  wisdom  and  generosity 
of  the  greatest  prince  of  the  universe.  It  must  also  be  admitted  that 
no  one  but  the  Emperor  of  China  is  rich  enough  to  spend  out  of  his 
own  purse,  without  exacting  anything  from  his  subjects,  sums  which 
could  not  but  be  regarded  as  exaggerated  if  they  were  set  down  here 
in  detail."' 

62  8.  "  Zo  nation,"*  die.    For  the  translation  see  the  italicized 

« Memoires,  etc.,  p.  415.  '  Ibid.,  etc.,  p.  417.  •  Ibid.,  p.  416. 


84  NOTES 

passage  in  Appendix  B,  p.  90.  The  quotation,  though  substantially 
correct,  is  inexact  and,  in  places,  doubtful  iu  syntax.  See  Appendix 
C,  p.  90  and  foot  note. 

1143.  62  33.  "  Lorsqu'ils  arriverent,"  etc.  The  quotation  is  from 
a  letter  of  Father  Amiot  appended  to  his  translation  of  the  Emperor's 
inscription.  He  is  quoting  from  Yu-min-tchoung,  "  a  grandee  of 
the  Empire."  In  English  the  passage  runs:  "When  they  reached 
our  frontier,  several  hundred  thousand  in  number  (extreme  fatigue, 
hunger,  thirst,  and  all  the  other  difficulties  of  a  very  long  and  toil- 
some route  had  killed  almost  as  many  again),  they  were  reduced  to 
the  extremity  of  misery.  They  were  in  need  of  everything.  He 
(i.e.,  the  Emperor,  Kien  Long)  had  such  places  prepared  for  them 
to  settle  in  as  were  suited  to  their  way  of  life.  He  had  food  and 
clothing  distributed.  He  presented  them  with  oxen,  sheep,  tools,  to 
put  them  in  the  way  of  grazing  and  agriculture — and  all  this  at  his 
own  expense,  which  amounted  to  immense  sums,  without  counting 
the  money  given  to  the  head  of  each  family,  to  provide  for  the  sus- 
tenance of  his  wife  and  children." '  The  quotation,  like  the  previous 
one,  is  inexact. 

TI  44.  63  20.  Pastoral,  vagrant,  nomadic,  distinction  ?  etymology  ? 

IT  45.  65  4.  "Lex  nee  j'ustior,"  etc.,  "No  law  is  more  just  than 
that  the  devisers  of  murder  should  perish  by  their  own  device." 
Ovid,  Ars  Amatoria,  i.,  655,  656.  But  the  quotation  should  be: 
* '  Justus  uterque  fuit ;  neque  enim  lex  cequior  ulla  est  Quam, "  etc 

65  12.  Lares.     Consult  a  dictionary  of  classical  antiquities. 

65  16.  Arcadian  beauty.  Arcadian  simplicity  is  the  common  proT» 
erb.  Both  expressions  arise  from  the  fact  that  Arcadia,  pre- 
eminently among  the  Greek  states,  was  a  pastoral  country.  Com- 
pare the  oft-quoted  Arcades  ambo  in  the  seventh  Eclogue  of  Vergil, 
line  4. 

65  21.  Agony— half  a  million.  "  Although  the  sufferings  of  the 
Torguts  on  their  march  must  have  been  excessive,  there  is  clearly 
great  exaggeration  in  the  account  of  Bergmann.  We  mutst  remem- 
ber that  they  were  nomads  by  origin,  and  that  long  marches  were 
familiar  to  them,  as  were  also  the  various  incidents  th&t  accompany 
a  caravan  journey  over  such  a  country  as  the  Kirghiz  steppes ;  and 
although  they  arrived  poor,  and  denuded  of  almost  everything,  it  is 
not  probable  that  they  lost  a  very  large  portion  of  their  numbers  on 
the  way,  as  Bergmann  would  have  us  believe.  There  is  considerable 
discrepancy  between  the  Russian  numbers  and  those  supplied  by  the 
*  Memoires,  etc.,  p.  423. 


NOTES  85 

Chinese.  The  former  make  out  that  only  40,000  families  left  Rus- 
sia,  while  the  latter  claim  that  50,000  families,  numbering  300,000 
mouths,  arrived  in  China.  This  kind  of  discrepancy  shows  that  the 
loss  of  life  on  the  journey  could  not  have  been  so  great  as  Bergmann 
supposes."*  Bergmann  records  (i.,  219,  220)  an  enumeration  at  the 
Jaik  which  reported  over  70,000  tents,  and  he  thinks  the  number  that 
left  Russia  must  have  been  70,000-75,000  tents.  As  to  the  number 
that  arrived  in  China,  he  does  not  venture  on  so  close  an  estimate, 
but  thinks  50,000  families  an  exaggeration. 

65  23.  At  Athens.    See  31  20  and  note. 

66  14.  Mighty  columns  of  granite  and  brass,  a  fancy  of  De  Quin- 
cey's.  The  letter  of  Father  Amiot,  from  which  quotation  was  made 
in  the  note  on  62  33,  contains  the  following  passage,  also  from 
Yu-min-tchoung  :  "  The  year  of  the  arrival  of  the  Torgotes  happened 
to  be  precisely  that  in  which  the  Emperor  was  celebrating  the 
eightieth  birthday  of  his  mother  the  Empress-dowager.  In  memory 
of  this  happy  occasion  His  Majesty  had  caused  to  be  built  upon  The- 
mountain-that-shades-from-the-heat  a  vast  and  magnificent  Miao 
(temple)  to  the  honour  of  all  the  attributes  of  Fo  united  in  one  worship. 
It  had  just  been  completed  when  Oubacha  and  the  other  princes  of  his 
nation  arrived  at  Gehol  (Ge  Ho).  In  memoiy  of  an  event  which  con- 
tributed to  make  this  forever  a  red-letter  year,  His  Majesty  wished  to 
erect  in  the  same  Miao  a  monument  which  should  fix  the  epoch  of 
the  event  and  witness  to  its  authenticity.  He  himself  composed  the 
words  and  wrote  them  out  with  his  own  hand." '  Yu-min-tchoung 
goes  on  to  say  that  he  was  permitted  to  make  a  copy.  This  copy  it 
is  which  Father  Amiot  translated  (see  Appendix  B).  De  Quincey's 
inscription  (66  20-67  14)  is  therefore  an  invention  of  his  own — a 
venial  ofEence,  but  for  the  deliberate  imposture  of  the  foot-note. 

66.  Note.  Byzantine  CcBsars.  See  Fisher,  part  ii.,  chapter  3 
(p.  217);  Ploetz,  p.  210. 

>  Howortb,  vol.  L,  p.  579.  *  MenvAret,  etc.,  pp.  425,  420. 


APPENDIX  A 

BOOKS   BEARING    UPON   THE   KALMUCKS   AND   THEIR 
REVOLT. ' 

Amiot,  le  Fire :  Monument  de  la  Transmigration  des  Tourgouths 
des  Bords  de  la  Mer  Caspienne  dans  I'Empire  de  la  Chine  (Memoires 
concernant  THistoire,  etc.,  des  Chinois,  par  les  Missionaires  de 
Pgkin,  Paris,  1776,  vol.  i.,  pp.  400-427.) 

Bergmann,  Benjamin  B.:  Nomadische  Streifereien  unter  den 
Kalmfiken  in  den  Jahi-en  1802  und  1803;  Riga,  1804  (vol.  i.,  pp.  139- 
246,  Versuch  zur  Geschichte  der  Kalmtlkenflucht  von  der  Wolga). 
See  also  Moris. 

Castera,  Jean  Henri :  Life  of  Catherine  II. ,  translated  by  the  Rev, 
W.  W.  Dakins,  London,  1799  (vol.  ii.,  p.  160). 

Chopin,  Jean  Marie :  Russie  (in  a  series  entitled  rUnivers);  Paris, 
1838  (vol.  i.,  vol.  vii.  of  the  series,  p.  338). 

L'Evesque,  Pierre  Charles :  Histoire  de  Russie,  nouvelle  (4me) 
Edition;  Hambourg  et  Brunswick,  1800  (vol.  vii.,  pp.  1-177;  viii.,  p. 
276). 

De  Hell,  M.  et  Mme.  Xavier  Hommaire :  Les  Steppes  de  la  Mer 
Caspienne,  etc. ;  translated  as  "  Travels  in  the  Steppes  of  the  Caspian 
Sea,"  etc.,  London,  1847  (pp.  221-263). 

Howorth,  Henry  R.,  F.  S.  A.:  History  of  the  Mongols  from  the 
9th  to  the  19th  Century  ;  London,  1876  (part  i.,  the  Mongols  Proper 
and  the  Kalmucks  ;  pp.  534-589,  the  Keraits  and  Torguts). 

Hue,  le  Fire,  Fr^tre  Missionaire  de  la  Congrdgation  de  Saint- 
Lazare :  Souvenirs  d'un  Voyage  dans  la  Tartaric,  le  Thibet,  et  la 
Chine,  pendant  les  annees  1844,  1845,  and  1846  ;  translated  by  Mrs. 
Percy  Sinnett,  London  ;  translation  reprinted.  New  York,  1852. 

Macartney,  the  Earl  of  ;  see  Staunton. 

De  Mailla,  le  Fhe  Joseph- Anne-Marie  de  Moyriac,  Jisuite  Fran- 
cois, Missionaire  d  Pikin :  Histoire  Genfirale  de  la  Chine,  etc. ;  Paris, 
1780  (vol.  xi.,  pp.  582-587). 

>  A  complete  bibliography  from  the  Chinese  side  will  be  found  in  the  BiblioUuca 
Sinica  of  Cordier  (Paris,  1880-1895). 


APPENDIX  B  87 

Memoires  concernant  les  Chinois,  etc. ;  see  Amiot. 

Milner,  the  Rev.  Thomas,  M.A.,  F.  R.  O.  S.:  Russia;  its  RIj^ 
and  Progress,  Tragedies  and  Revolutions  ;  London,  1856  (pp.  355- 
376). 

Moris,  M.:  Essai  sur  la  fuite  des  Kalmuks  des  bords  du  Volga, 
traduit  de  I'Allemand  (Bergmann);  Chatillon-sur-Seine,  1825. 

Pallas,  Petr.  Simon :  Sammlungen  Historischer  Naehrichten  fiber 
die  Mongolischen  Volkersehaften,  2  vols. ;  St.  Petei-sburg,  1776  (vol. 
i.,  pp.  60-93).  Less  important  is  Pallas's  Travels  through  the 
Southern  Provinces  of  the  Russian  Empire  in  1793-94  ;  translated 
from  the  German,  2d  ed.,  London,  1812. 

Ramhaud,  Alfred :  Histoire  de  la  Russie  ;  Paris,  1878  ;  translated 
by  Leonora  B.  Lang  as  "The  History  of  Russia  from  the  Earliest 
Times  to  1877  ;"  London,  1879  (vol.  i.,  p.  31  ;  ii.,  pp.  133,  134). 

Staunton,  Sir  Oeorge,  Bart.:  An  Authentic  Account  of  an  Em- 
bassy from  the  King  of  Great  Britain  to  the  Emperor  of  China,  etc., 
taken  chiefly  from  the  papers  of  His  Excellency  the  Earl  of  Macart- 
ney, etc. ;  London,  1798,  2  vols.,  maps  and  plates  in  a  3d  vol.  (Vol. 
ii.,  p.  265,  contains  a  very  inaccurate  reference  to  the  migration 
-~of  the  Kalmucks.  The  general  map  at  the  beginning  of  vol.  i. 
shows  "Lake  Tengis,"  with  the  river  Ily  and  the  settlement  of  the 
"  Torgote  Tartars,"  all  rather  inaccurate.  This  map  and  the  plates, 
to  which  reference  is  made  in  the  notes,  were  not  improbably  con- 
sulted by  De  Quincey.     He  certainly  knew  the  book.) 

Tooke,  William,  F.R.S.:  The  Life  of  Catherine  H.,  4th  ed., 
London,  1800  ;  vol.  ii.,  pp.  158-168  ;  also  View  of  the  Russiam  Em- 
pire during  the  Reign  of  Catherine  the  Second,  and  to  the  Close  of 
the  18th  Century;  3d  ed.,  London,  1800  (vol.  i.,  pp.  432-434). 


APPENDIX  B 

SELECTIONS*  FROM  THE  INSCRIPTION  OP  THE  EMPEROR 
KIEN  LONG,  TRANSLATED  INTO  FRENCH  BY  FATHER 
AMIOT.  2 

[The  earlier  narratives  cited  in  Appendix  A  are  all  based  on 
Amiot,  except  Pallas,  who  adds  little,  and  Bergmann,  who  recon- 

>  Taken  from  the  English  Version  of  de  Hell's  narrative,  pages  227-235. 
'  See  Appendix  A  for  the  full  title. 


88  APPENDIX  B 

structs  the  whole  story,  mainly  from  the  Russian  side  and  from  oral 
testimony.  ] 

"  In  the  thirty-sixth  year  of  Kien  Long,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  year  of 
Jesus  Christ,  1771,  all  the  Tartars  composing  the  nation  of  the  Tor- 
gouths  '  arrived,  after  encountering  a  thousand  perils,  in  the  plains 
watered  by  the  Ily,  entreating  the  favour  to  be  admitted  among  the 
vassals  of  the  great  Chinese  empire.  By  their  own  account,  they  have 
abandoned  for  ever,  and  without  regret,  the  sterile  banks  of  the  Volga 
and  the  Jaik,  along  which  the  Russians  had  formerly  allowed  them  to 
settle,  near  where  the  two  rivers  empty  themselves  into  the  Caspian. 
They  have  abandoned  them,  they  say,  to  come  and  admire  more  closely 
the  brilliant  lustre  of  the  heavens,  and  at  last  to  enjoy,  like  so  many 
others,  the  happiness  of  having  henceforth  for  master  the  greatest 
prince  in  the  world.  Notwithstanding  the  many  battles  in  which 
they  have  been  obliged  to  engage,  defensively  or  offensively,  with 
those  through  whose  country  they  had  to  pass,  and  at  whose  expense 
they  were  necessarily  compelled  to  live;  notwithstanding  the  depre- 
dations committed  on  them  by  the  vagrant  Tartars,  who  repeatedly 
attacked  and  plundered  them  on  their  march ;  notwithstanding  the 
enormous  fatigues  endured  by  them  in  traversing  more  than  10,000 
leagues,"  through  one  of  the  most  difficult  countries;  notwithstand- 
ing hunger,  thirst,  misery,  and  an  almost  general  scarcity  of  common 
necessaries,  to  which  they  were  exposed  during  their  eight  months 
journey,  their  numbers  still  amounted  to  50,000  families  when  they 
arrived  ;  and  these  50,000  families,  to  use  the  language  of  the  coun- 
try, counted  300,000  mouths,  without  sensible  error. 

"'AlP  those  who  now  compose  the  nation  of  the  Torgouths, 
undismayed  by  the  dangers  of  a  long  and  toilsome  journey,  filled 
with  the  sole  desire  of  procuring  for  the  future  a  better  manner  of 
life  and  a  happier  lot,  have  abandoned  the  places  where  they  dwelt 
far  beyond  our  frontier,  have  traversed  with  unshakable  courage  a 
space  of  more  than  ten  thousand  leagues,  and  have  ranged  them- 
selves, of  their  own  accord,  among  the  number  of  my  subjects. 
Their  submission  to  me  is  not  a  submission  inspired  by  fear,  but  a 
voluntary  and  free  submission,  if  ever  such  there  was.     .     .     , 

1  De  Mailla  {Ilistotre  Generale  de  la  Chine,  vol.  xi.,  p.  586,  foot-note)  quotes 
from  Abulgasi-Bayadur-Chan  a  classification  of  the  Kalmucks  into  KcUlmacM-Bson- 
gari  (Soongares),  Kallmacki- C'oschoti  (Khoshotes),  and  KaUmacki- Torgauti  (Tor- 
gotes  or  Torgouths).  This  classification,  though  often  modified,  has  never  been 
superseded. 

"  "  Dix  mille  lys."    So  elsewhere. 

'  Here  begins  the  translation  proper.    What  precedes  is  Father  Amiot's  preface. 


APPENDIX  B  89 

"  '  Oubacha,  who  is  now  khan  of  the  Torgouths,  is  great  grandson 
of  Aiouki.  The  Russians,  never  ceasing  to  require  soldiers  of  him  to 
be  incorporated  in  their  troops,  having  at  last  taken  his  own  son  from 
him  as  a  hostage,  and  being  besides  of  a  dififerent  religion  from  him- 
self, and  making  no  account  of  that  of  the  Lamas  which  the  Tor- 
gouths profess,  Oubacha  and  his  people  finally  determined  to  shake 
oH  a  yoke  which  was  daily  becoming  more  and  more  insupportable. 

"•After  having  secretly  deliberated  among  themselves,  they  re- 
solved to  quit  an  abode  where  they  had  to  suffer  so  much,  and 
come  and  dwell  in  the  countries  subject  to  China,  where  the  religion 
of  Fo  is  professed. 

•"In  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  moon  of  last  year  they  began 
their  march  with  their  women  and  children  and  all  their  baggage, 
traversed  the  country  of  the  Hasacks,  passed  along  the  shores  of 
Lake  Palkache  Nor  and  through  the  adjoining  deserts,  and  towards 
the  close  of  the  sixth  moon  of  this  year,  after  having  completed  more 
than  10,000  leagues  in  the  eight  months  of  their  wayfaring,  they  at 
last  arrived  on  the  frontiers  of  Chara  Pen,  not  far  from  the  banks  of 
the  Ily.  I  was  already  aware  that  the  Torgouths  were  on  their 
march  to  submit  themselves  to  me,  the  news  having  been  brought 
me  shortly  after  their  departure  from  Etchil.  I  then  reflected  that 
Ileton,  general  of  the  troops  at  Ily,  having  already  been  charged  with 
other  very  important  affairs,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  he  could  not 
regulate  those  of  the  new  comers  with  all  the  requisite  attention. 

"•Chouhede,  one  of  the  general's  councillors,  was  at  Ouche, 
employed  in  maintaining  order  among  the  Mahometans.  As  he 
was  at  hand  to  attend  to  the  Torgouths,  I  ordered  him  to  repair  to 
Ily,  that  he  might  use  his  best  efforts  to  establish  them  solidly.    .    .    . 

'•  'Nevertheless,  I  neglected  none  of  the  precautions  that  seemed 
to  me  necessary.  I  ordered  Chouh^de  to  erect  forts  and  redoubts 
in  the  most  important  places,  and  have  all  the  passes  strictly 
guarded.  I  enjoined  him  to  exert  himself  personally  in  procuring 
necessary  provisions  of  all  kinds  within  the  frontiers,  whilst  fit  per- 
sons, carefully  chosen  by  him,  should  make  every  arrangement  for 
securing  quiet  without. 

"  '  The  Torgouths  arrived,  and  at  once  found  lodging,  food,  and  all 
the  conveniences  they  could  have  enjoyed  each  in  his  own  dwelling. 
Nor  was  this  all ;  the  principal  men  among  them,  who  were  to  come 
in  person  and  pay  homage  to  me,  were  conducted  with  honor  and 
free  of  expense  by  the  imperial  post-roads  to  the  place  where  I  then 
was.     I  saw  them,  spoke  to  them,  and  was  pleased  that  they  should 


90  APPENDIX  C 

enjoy  the  pleasures  of  the  chase  with  me ;  and  after  the  days  allotted 
to  that  recreation  were  ended,  they  repaired  in  my  suite  to  Ge  Ho. 
There  I  gave  them  the  banquet  of  ceremony,  and  made  them  the 
ordinary  presents  with  the  same  pomp  and  state  as  I  am  accustomed 
to  employ  when  I  give  solemn  audience  to  Tchering  and  the  chiefs  of 
the  Tourbeths,  of  whom  he  is  the  leader.     .     .     . 

"  '  The  nation  of  the  Torgouths  arrived  at  Hy  in  total  destitution, 
without  victuals  or  clothing.  I  had  foreseen  this,  and  given  orders  to 
Chouhede  and  others  to  lay  up  the  necessary  provisions  of  all  kinds 
that  they  might  he  promptly  succoured.  This  was  done.  The  lands 
were  divided,  and  to  each  family  was  assigned  a  sufficient  portion 
for  its  support  by  tillage  or  cattle  rearing.  Each  individual  received 
cloth  for  garments,  a  year's  supply  of  corn,  household  utensils,  and 
other  necessaries,  and  besides  all  this,  several  ounces  of  silver  to  pro- 
vide himself  viith  whatever  might  have  been  forgotten.  Specific 
tracts,  fertile  in  pasturage,  were  appointed  for  them,  and  they  were 
given  oxen,  sheep,  etc.,  that  they  might  afterwards  labour  for  their 
own  sustenance  and  welfare.' " 


APPENDIX  C 

RELATIONS     OP     DE     QUINCEY's     NAERATIVE     TO     BERG- 

mank's.i 

Bergmann  is  the  only  authority  De  Quincey  can  be  affirmed  to 
have  read.  Father  Amiot  he  (juotes,  but  only  what  appears  in 
Bergmann's  foot-notes."  If  De  Quincey  had  understood  that  Father 
Amiot's  account  does  not  mention  a  monument  and  an  inscription, 
but  is  the  translation  of  that  inscription,  he  would  hardly  have  dared 
to  invent  the  "mighty  columns  of  granite  and  brass,"  and  the 
rhetorical  inscription  with  its  appended  note  (p.  66).     This  informa- 

1  For  the  full  title  see  Appendix  A. 

»  Bergmann  quotes  Amiot  in  German  translation,  but  Professor  Masson  (vol. 
vii.,  p.  9,  of  his  collective  edition)  asserts  that  De  Quincey  used  a  French  transla- 
tion of  Bergmann,  which  would,  of  course,  quote  directly  from  Amiot.  This 
extremely  indirect  research  may  account  for  some  trifling  inaccuracies  in  De 
Quincey's  quotations.  The  French  translation  of  Bergmann,  which  I  have  been 
unable  to  procure,  appears  in  the  British  Museum  Catalogue  (1048,  c.  27),  as  fol- 
lows •.—Bergmann,  B.  F.  B :  Voyage  chez  les  Kalmuks,  Traduit  de  rAUemand 
par  M.  Moris  {Essai  sur  la  fuite  des  Kalmuks  des  bords  du  Volga) ;  Chatillon-sup 
Seine,  1885,  8». 


mk 


APPENDIX  C  91 

tion  he  would  have  found  in  the  very  title.  Moreover,  he  does  not 
mention  Father  Aniiot,  referring  simply,  as  Bergmann  does,  to 
"Jesuit  missionaries."  ' 

But  even  Bergmann  De  Quincey  can  be  said  to  follow  only  in  the 
use  of  certain  details  not  given  by  other  historians,  in  a  few  slight 
correspondences  of  phrase,  and  in  the  interpretation  of  the  revolt 
as  a  colossal  scheme  of  Zebek  Dorchi's.  His  variations  from  Berg- 
mann are  twofold  :  first,  the  essence  of  his  treatment  is  an  imag- 
inative expansion  and  realization  of  the  scenes  of  the  flight,  leading 
up  to  a  climax  of  horror  and  misery  ;  secondly,  he  indulges,  per- 
haps unconsciously,  in  a  cavalier  handling  of  Bergmann's  facts. 
The  following  analysis  proceeds  by  paragraphs,  with  references  to 
page  and  line. 

H  ^  1-3  are,  of  course,  entirely  De  Quincey. 

Tf  4.  The  characterization  of  Oubacha  and  of  Zebek  Dorchi  fol- 
lows Bergmann  (i.,  146)  closely.  Most  of  the  other  authorities  make 
Oubacha  an  old  man,  and  do  not  mention  Zebek  Dorchi. 

^  5  follows  Bergmann  (i.,  151)  essentially,  but  varies  widely  in 
details.  Bergmann's  account  of  the  reorganization  of  the  Sarga  is 
as  follows  (i.,  153)  : 

"  Prince  and  Sargatchi  were  to  be  thenceforth  subject  to  the  con- 
trol of  an  imperial  council.  The  prince  could  merely  lodge  com- 
plaint in  case  any  Sargatchi  broke  his  oath  of  allegiance.  Com- 
plaint and  defense  would  then  be  duly  investigated  and  decided  as 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  law.  If  found  guilty,  the  Sargatchi  would 
be  removed  from  office  ;  if  found  innocent,  he  would  be  publicly 
acquitted.  Moreover,  by  a  salary  of  one  hundred  rubles,  the  Sar- 
gatchi, it  was  believed,  would  be  still  further  attached  to  the  Rus- 
sian interest.  If  this  reorganization  did  not  meet  all  expectations, 
the  Russian  court  thought  at  least  to  secure  itself  against  any  ambi- 
tious designs  of  Oubacha  by  appointing  Zebek  Dorchi  his  first  Sar- 
gatchi. Instead  of  drawing  the  sting  of  the  serpent,  they  gave  it 
still  greater  opportunity  and  means  to  distill  a  more  effectual  venom 
for  the  future. 

"  Although  Zebek  Dorchi  found  himself  deceived  in  his  expecta- 
tions, yet  his  new  position  gave  him  a  sphere  of  influence  which 
opened  other  prospects  for  him  in  the  future." 

^  6.   Welcomed  as  a  benefactor  (10  18),  Bergmann,  i..  156. 

For  those  very  acts  of  interference  (10  30),  Bergmann  i.,  160. 

>  Bergnoann  happens  to  cite  alwaye  the  whole  series  in  wtiich  Father  Amiot^s 
report  appears,  instead  of  the  report  itself. 


92  APPENDIX  C 

Worm-beliemoth  (11  9).  Bergmann's  figure  (i.,  154)  is  giant  and 
dwarf. 

H  7.  The  characterizations  of  Erempel  and  of  the  lama  follow 
Bergmann  (i.,  156-159)  ;  so  also  the  oracle  (i.,  164)  and  the  years  of 
the  tiger  and  the  hare  (i.,  165). 

11"1  8-9.  Bergmann  (i.,  167).  De  Quincey  omits  the  episode  of 
Oubaeha's  allowing  forty-three  of  the  hostile  chiefs  to  escape,  but 
otherwise  follows  closely. 

TT  10  has  no  basis  in  Bergmann,  except  a  few  y.v/»-ds  (i.,  168)  sug- 
gesting that  the  Empress  may  have  been  suspicious. 

^  11  is  practically  all  De  Quincey  ;  but  19  21-  20  10  has  for  basis 
Bergmann's  remark  (i.,  170)  that  Zebek  Dorchi  had  the  prince  sworn 
with  a  solemn  oath. 

IFTT 13-14.  Bergmann  (i.,  181-183)  says  the  chiefs  were  assembled 
in  the  Nryn  steppe  on  pretense  of  an  attack  of  Kirghises,  and  that 
Zebek  Dorchi  made  a  speech.  "  If  this  unexpected  speech  made  its 
impression  upon  the  Kalmuck  nobles — much  greater  must  have 
been  the  impression  when,  by  way  of  confirmation,  there  was  passed 
around  among  those  present  a  document  gotten  up  for  this  purpose  in 
which  Zebek  Dorchi  was  specified  as  the  conductor  of  those  300  sons 
of  Saissangs  "  (whom  the  Russians,  according  to  Zebek,  were  about  to 
take  as  hostages).  Some  of  the  reasons  alleged  in  Tf  12  appear  in 
Bergmann  (i.,  161)  as  used  to  convince  Oubacha. 

^T[  15-16.  The  agency  of  Kichinskoi  and  Beketoff  is  the  same  as 
in  Bergmann  (i.,  168-170,  179).  But  Bergmann  mentions  no  feud 
between  the  two.  He  says  that  Beketoff  had  private  information 
from  one  of  the  Sargatchi,  and  that  Kichinskoi  was  blind  enough  to 
give  the  Khan  a  detachment  of  twenty  Cossacks,  with  two  field- 
pieces,  for  the  pretended  war  with  the  Kirghises. 

U  17  is  entirely  De  Quincey,  and  contains  (27  23-  2$  4)  an  absurd 
misunderstanding.  The  Kalmucks  had  no  occasion  to  burn  their 
villages.  They  simply  discarded  such  of  their  tents  and  tent-fittings 
as  were  not  absolutely  necessary,  and  packed  the  rest  oil  their  camels. 
Especially  absurd  is  the  timbers  of  his  own  palace  (27  31),  of  which 
the  basis  is  the  following  sentence  in  Bergmann  (i.,  199): 

"The  prince  himself  set  the  people  an  example  l)y  having  his 
largest  tents  (Wohnhiltten)  destroyed,  and  the  long  tent-poles  (Daeh- 
hSlzer)  made  into  lances." 

It  18,  19.  Bergmann  (i.,  184-189)  says  that  the  "Western  Kal 
mucks  were  kept  back  by  the  open  river;  that  this  circumstance  saved 
the  Russian  towns  and  villages,  except  that  some  Armenian  and 


APPENDIX  C  93 

Tartar  merchants  were  plundered;  and  that  the  twenty  Cossacks  de- 
tailed by  Kichinskoi  for  the  supposed  war  with  the  Kirghises  were 
maltreated  and  carried  off. 

^^  20-22  are  entirely  De  Quincey. 

T[  23  shows  considerable  variation.  As  to  the  "  fortress"  Koula- 
gina  (34  1-17)  Bergmann  says  (i.,  193)  : 

"  The  Jaik  Cossacks  had  not  counted  on  a  visit  from  the  Kalmucks; 
for  the  greater  part  of  them  were  at  the  Caspian  fisheries,  their  only 
occupation  since  they  renounced  piracy.  The  few  hundreds  who  had 
been  left  in  the  forts  owed  their  salvation  quite  as  much  to  Kalmuck 
inexperience  in  the  art  of  siege  and  their  inetflcient  equipment  as  to 
the  haste  with  which  they  had  to  cross  the  Jaik  in  order  to  escape 
the  Russian  troops.  Oubacha  himself  summoned  the  fort  Kulagina, 
and,  on  the  refusal  of  the  commandant,  planted  the  two  field-pieces 
that  he  had  gotten  from  Kichinskoi.  This  fort,  like  the  others  along 
the  Jaik,  was  only  a  stockade;  but  the  fire  of  the  garrison  cost  the 
Kalmucks  several  men,  while  they  themselves  plied  their  cannon 
without  effect." 

All  the  rest  of  the  paragraph,  where  it  is  not  invention,  is  mis- 
understanding. Compare  this  account,  and  De  Quincey's  note  to 
page  40,  with  the  following  (Bergmann,  i.,  194): 

"Just  beyond  the  Jaik  the  Cossacks  of  the  neighbourhood  drew 
together  under  Mitraessow,  and,  about  2,000  strong,  rode  after  the 
fugitives.  Among  the  mountains  they  intercepted  a  small  horde 
(Kleinen  Haufen),  which,  on  account  of  its  desperate  resistance,  they 
cut  down  almost  to  a  man.  The  oulosses  Jikae  Zechorr  and  Aerkae- 
tunn,  which  together  numbered  several  thousand  tents,  surrendered 
without  a  blow.  The  chieftains  of  the  former,  Assarcho  and  Maschi, 
had  given  to  the  governor  of  Astrakhan  repeated  assurances  of  their 
inclination  to  remain  in  Russia.  No  sooner  did  they  see  the  Cossacks 
approaching  than  they  went  over  to  them  with  their  hordes."  Berg- 
mann goes  on  to  say  that  these  oulosses  were  reinstated  in  their 
former  abodes,  but  their  twenty  chiefs  (Saissangs)  were  knouted  for 
killing  thirty  captured  Russians.  The  only  trace  of  De  Quincey's 
bloody  battle  is  in  the  second  sentence,  which  does  not  refer  to  these 
oulosses  at  all. 

HTf  24-27  have  no  basis  in  Bergmann  for  the  essential  facts,  and 
hardly  any  for  the  details  of  the  suffering. 

*[fl^  28-31  agree  substantially  with  Bergmann's  facts,  but  neither 
with  his  order  nor  with  his  details.  According  to  Bergmann,  Trau- 
benberg  was  sent  from  the  town  of  Orenburg  with  5,000  regulars. 


94  APPENDIX  C 

mainly  Cossacks  {large  Russian  army,  etc.,  40  18).  He  was  rein- 
forced by  strong  bands  of  Bashkirs  and  Kirghises  (i. ,  196).  The  B[al- 
muck  discontent  and  desire  for  return  (i.,  198)  broke  out  at  the 
Irgitch  into  loud  demands  (i.,  202).  They  crossed  the  river  on 
bundles  of  rushes  (i.,  203).  Traubenberg  was  guilty  of  neglect  in  not 
pushing  the  pursuit  (i.,  205).  Nurali  Khan  broke  away  to  pursue  the 
Kalmucks  (i.,  217). 

ir^  32,  36—42.  The  persecutions  of  the  Bashkirs  and  Kirghises,  in 
almost  daily  attacks,  and  the  final  carnage  at  Lake  Balkash  grew 
from  two  or  three  pages  of  Bergmann.  He  says  (i.,  217)  that  Nurali 
Khan  and  Ablai  Khan  fell  upon  the  Kalmucks  in  the  midst  of  a 
desert  (the  Kalmucks  had  already  gone  on  from  the  Turgai)  and  tried 
to  cut  thera  off  from  the  next  oases.  Despair  gave  strength  to  the 
Kalmucks ;  greed  of  plunder  to  their  enemies.  As  victory  was  inclin- 
ing to  the  former,  Zebek  Dorchi  and  Bambar  were  cut  off  and  would 
surely  have  been  carried  prisoners  but  for  Chereng.  The  fight  lasted 
two  days,  and  the  field  was  covered  with  corpses.  The  narrative 
then  goes  on  (i.,  218): 

"  The  Kirghises,  whom  the  success  of  this  battle  (the  first  recorded 
by  Bergmann)  encouraged  to  further  attacks,  ceased  not  to  disturb 
the  fleeing  Kalmucks  up  to  the  borders  of  China.  After  many  days 
of  forced  marching  through  almost  waterless  regions  the  fugitives 
reached  Lake  Tengis  (Balgaschnur,  as  the  Mongols  call  it).  Toward 
this  lake  they  rushed  eii  masse,  fighting  for  place  with  their  own 
cattle,  and  pressed  in,  without  throwing  off  their  clothes,  as  far  as 
the  depth  allowed,  at  last  to  slake  their  torturing  thirst.  Many  fell 
victims  to  their  incontinence,  more  to  the  sword  of  the  Kirghises  in 
a  bloody  battle.  Since  there  was  no  chance  for  defence,  only  the 
swiftest  Kalmucks  were  able  to  reach  the  farther  bank  of  the  Ily  and 
escape.  The  Kirghises  returned  to  their  homes  laden  with  booty 
and  accompanied  by  numerous  prisoners.  The  Kalmucks  had  still 
to  cut  their  way  through  the  plundering  Buraetes  before  they  attained 
the  dearly-bought  goal  of  their  seven  months'  migration." 

The  Chinese  Emperor's  view  of  the  approaching  combatants,  and 
the  interposition  of  his  troops,  is  without  foundation  and  highly 
improbable,  if  not  impossible. 

HIT  34,  35.  Weseloff  is  one  of  Bergmann's  most  important  authori- 
ties. On  his  oral  evidence  rest  many  incidents  peculiar  to  Berg- 
mann's narrative.  As  if  in  recognition  of  this,  Bergmann  appends 
the  story  of  Weseloff's  captivity  and  escape  (pp.  233-246).  In 
summary  it  is  as  follows  : 


APPENDIX  G  95 

Throughout  the  earlier  part  of  the  flight  Weseloff's  hardships 
amounted  often  to  torture.  But  at  the  Jemba  his  chains  were 
removed,  and  Oubacha  would  have  given  him  his  liberty  but  for  the 
demur  of  the  chiefs.  Hearing  that  a  Kalmuck  had  come  to  camp 
with  a  letter  from  the  Russian  General  Traubenberg,  Weseloff  set 
out  to  find  him.  On  the  way  he  was  hailed  by  another  Kalmuck 
named  Lanssan,  who  proposed  to  flee  with  him.  Lanssan's  family 
sped  the  two  with  presents  of  copper  money  and  a  flint-lock  musket. 
The  fugitives  stole  six  horses  (De  Quincey  makes  them  catch  wild 
horses)  to  relieve  their  own,  and  by  means  of  the  eight  reached  the 
Turgai  (200  versts)  the  next  day.  Swimming  their  horses  over,  they 
then  returned  for  their  clothes,  but  were  so  exhausted  with  fatigue 
and  exposure  that  they  sank  down  on  the  eastern  bank  and  slept 
till  next  midday.  On  the  eleventh  day  they  reached  Orsk.  They 
had  been  obliged  to  kill  one  of  their  horses  for  food.  With  the 
money  from  the  sale  of  the  other  seven  We.seloff  pushed  on,  stopping 
at  Orenburg,  and  again,  with  a  relative,  at  the  foot  of  the  Ural 
Mountains.  Meantime  he  had  sent  word  ahead  to  his  mother,  but 
her  joy  at  the  meeting  was  so  great  that  she  died  within  three 
months. 

There  is  no  hint,  it  will  be  observed,  of  the  saving  of  Oubacha's 
life,  nor  any  mention  of  skeletons;  but  "vast  heaps  of  money" 
(51  18),  or  rather  large  heaps  of  copper  coin,  are  mentioned  by  both 
Bergmann  and  Pallas.  De  Quincey's  statement — "  He  was,  however, 
a  man  of  principle,  and  always  adhered  firmly  to  the  details  of  his 
printed  report  "(51  12),- is  a  typical  instance  of  his  accurate  inac- 
curacy.    Bergmann,  in  his  preface  (i.,  24),  says  : 

"For  almost  six  months  I  have  been  with  him  [i.e.,  Weseloff]  al- 
most daily,  at  almost  every  meeting  have  learned  something  new 
about  the  flight  of  the  Kalmucks,  and  have  made  him  relate  much  of 
it  two  or  three  times,  in  order  to  assure  myself  of  the  truth  of  his 
representations.  I  found  his  expressions  so  consistent  that  I  cannot 
doubt  their  truth." 

But  in  a  note  to  p.  141,  Bergmann  cites  "the  only  printed 
records,  so  far  as  I  know,"  and  Weseloff's  is  not  among  them.  In 
fact,  Bergmann  makes  a  point  of  the  valuable  oral  evidence  on  which 
his  account  is  based,  and  especially  of  Weseloff's. 

mi  43-46  contain  nothing  from  Bergmann  except  the  hint  for  the 
"assassination  "  (65  1)  of  the  ambitious  chiefs  (i.,  224). 

These  variations  in  fact  may  be  explained  by  three  hypotheses: 
(1)  De  Quincey  mistranslated;  (2)  be  had  other  sources,  as  yet  undis- 


96  APPENDIX  C 

covered ;  (3)  he  invented.  Of  these  three,  the  first  is  insufficient  and 
improbable;  the  second,  at  least  improbable;  the  third,  toward 
which  Professor  Masson  inclines  (collective  edition,  vol.  vii.,  p.  426), 
has  some  support  in  the  fact  that  De  Quincey  often  wrote  without 
means  of  verifying  references.  That  this  was  the  case  here  we  have 
his  own  statement  in  the  preface  to  the  fourth  volume  of  Hogg's  col- 
lective edition,  in  which  the  piece  was  reprinted  : 

"The  series  of  papers,  published  in  this  and  the  preceding  volume, 
were  originally  written  under  one  set  of  disadvantages,  and  are  now 
revised  under  another.  They  were  written  generally  under  great 
pressure  as  to  time,  in  order  to  catch  the  critical  periods  of  monthly 
journals;  written  oftentimes  at  a  distance  from  the  press  (so  as  to 
have  no  opportunity  for  correction) ;  and  always  written  at  a  distance 
from  libraries — so  that  very  many  statements,  references,  and  cita- 
tions were  made  on  the  authority  of  my  unassisted  memory.  Under 
such  circumstances  were  most  of  the  papers  composed ;  and  they  are 
now  reissued  in  a  corrected  form,  sometimes  even  partially  recast,* 
under  the  distraction  of  a  nervous  misery  which  embarrasses  my 
efforts  in  a  mode  and  in  a  degree  inexpressible  by  words." 

The  variations  in  form  are  all  of  the  general  character  noted  at 
p.  xxxii.  as  typical  of  De  Quincey's  method. 

>  The  changes  in  this  particular  piece  are  merely  verbal.— Ed. 


Longmans'  English  Classics 


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of  Macaulay.  Cloth,  50  cents 

Shakspere's  a  Midsummer  Night's  Dream.     Edited,  with  introduction 

and  notes,  by  George  Pierce  Baker,  A. B.,  Assistant  Professor  of  English  in 
Harvard  University.    With  Frontispiece,  "  Imitation  of  an  Elizabethan  Stage." 

Cloth,  60  cents 

Webster's  First  Bunker  Hill  Oration,  together  with  other  Addresses 

relating  to  the  Revolution.  Edited,  with  introduction  and  notes,  by  Fred 
Newton  Scott,  Ph.D.,  Junior  Professor  of  Rhetoric  in  the  University  of  Michigan. 
With  Portrait  of  Daniel  Webster.  Cloth,  60  cents 

Shakspere's  As  You  Like  It.  with  an  introduction  by  Barrett  Wendell, 
A.B.,  Assistant  Professor  of  English  in  Harvard  University,  and  notes  by  William 
Lyon  Phelps,  Ph.D.,  Assistant  Professor  of  English  Literature  in  Vale  University. 
Portrait.  Cloth,  60  cents 

Defoe's  History  of  the  Plague  in  London.     Edited,  with  introduction 

and  notes,  by  Prof.  G.  R.  Carpenter,  of  Columbia  University.  With  Portrait 
of  Defoe.  Cloth,  75  cents 

IrVING's  Tales  of  a  Traveller.  With  an  introduction  by  Brander 
Matthews,  Professor  of  Literature  in  Columbia  University,  and  explanatory 
notes  by  the  General  Editorof  the  series.     With  Portrait  of  Irving.      Cloth,  $1.00 

Scott's  MaRMION.  Edited  with  introduction  and  notes,  by  Robert  Morss 
Lovbtt  a  B.,  Assistant  Professor  of  English  in  the  University  of  Chicago. 
With  Portrait  of  Sir  Walter  Scott.  Cloth,  75  cents 

Macaulay's  Life  of  Samuel  Johnson,  together  with  his  Essay  on 

Johnson.  Edited,  with  introduction  and  notes,  by  the  Rev.  Hlber  Gray 
Buehler.  of  the  Hotchkiss  School,  LakeviUe,  Conn.     With  Portrait  ot  Johnson. 

Cloth,  50  cents 


"  Differ  as  we  may  about  the  best  way  of  teaching  English  literature  we  are  likely 
to  agree  that  this  series  is  built  in  the  main  upon  the  right  lines.  It  is  unexceptionable 
in  its  outward  form  and  habit.  It  gives  us  in  every  case  a  clearly  printed  text,  suffi- 
ciently annotated,  but  not,  as  a  rule,  overweighted  with  pedantic  comments ;  a  bio- 
graphical and  critical  introduction  ;  a  bibliography,  through  which  the  student  can  find 
his  way  to  the  literary  and  historical  setting  of  the  particular  classic  on  which  he  is 
engaged  ;  a  chronological  table  and  some  hints  to  teachers— often  of  a  most  suggestive 
and  helpful  character.  In  every  case  we  thus  have  a  book  edited  according  to  an  ex- 
cellent general  plan.    .     .     ." —The  Educational  Revie-w. 


LONGMANS'   ENGLISH   CLASSICS 


COMMENTS  ON  THE    SERIES 

"  These  three  books,  then  {^referring  to  the  three  Shakspere  Comedies 
of  the  Series),  as  we  reconsider  tliem,  are  seen  to  have  one  admirabia 
element ;  namely,  ideas.  A  teacher,  or  any  one  else  for  that  matter, 
who  studies  them,  will  get  something  new  about  the  teaching  of  English. 
A  good  teacher  will  do  better  work  with  them,  not  only  in  these  particu- 
lar plays,  but  along  the  whole  line,  through  a  certain  ferment  of  the 
imagination,  a  vitalization  of  thought,  which  comes  to  pass  in  studying 
these  volumes.  Such,  indeed,  is  the  main  service  rendered  by  this 
series  as  a  whole.  An  examination  of  the  .  .  .  volumes  already  pub- 
lished impresses  one  strongly  with  a  feeling  of  life  and  vigor  .  .  .  The 
work  of  the  general  editor  is  one  of  the  strong  points  of  the  series, 
nowhere  showing  to  better  advantage  than  in  his  selection  of  responsible 
editors  for  the  separate  volumes.  They  are  a  very  representative  set  of 
men — representative,  that  is,  of  the  younger  set  of  teachers  of  English 
Literature.  The  series  as  a  whole  has  great  pedagogic  value  for  the 
English  student.  The  Suggestions  to  Teachers,  as  developed  by  the 
different  editors,  would  make  an  admirable  comment  on  the  report  of  the 
Conference  on  English  to  the  Committee  of  Ten.  One  volume  or  another 
may  not  fall  in  very  well  with  one's  views,  but  when  one  considers  them 
all,  one  cannot  deny  that  they  offer  a  very  inspiring  and  suggestive  display 
of  scholarly  work." — From  the  Educational  Review,  for  April,  1897. 

"  I  want  to  express  my  hearty  appreciation  of  the  labors  of  those 
who  have  compiled  this  excellent  series,  and  of  the  publishers  who  have 
made  it  possible  for  high-school  pupils  to  enter  upon  the  study  of  Litera- 
ture with  so  much  enjoyment.  Indeed,  so  helpful  are  the  notes  and 
suggestions  that  I  have  sometimes  thought  that  a  young  person  with 
this  series  in  his  possession  could  almost  obtain  a  liberal  education  with- 
out the  aid  of  a  teacher." 

— Edith  L.  Swain,  Laconia  High  School,  Lakeport,  N.  H. 

"  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  writing  testimonials,  but  a  regard  for  the 
highest  interests  of  our  young  people  preparing  for  college  work,  makes 
it  my  duty  to  commend  in  unqualified  terms  your  most  excellent  series 
of  English  Classics.  Nothing  has  been  left  undone.  The  editor, 
the  annotator,  the  printer,  the  binder,  has  each  in  turn  shown  himself 
master  of  his  work.  The  books  need  only  to  be  known  to  be  used,  and 
they  must  soon  find  a  way  into  every  secondary  school  whose  instructors 
in  English  are  real  teachers,  intelligent  and  up  to  date." 

— A.  F.  Nightingale,  Supt.  of  High  Schools,  Chicago. 

"After  comparison  with  others,  I  believe  that  your  series  is  the 
most  scholarly  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  teachable  of  any  at  present 
in  the  market." — John  MacDuffie,  School  for  Girls,  Springfield,  Mass. 


LONGMANS'  ENGLISH  CLASSICS 


"  The  set  which  you  are  getting  out  is  on  the  whole  much  superior 
to  any  with  which  I  am  familiar.  I  am  delighted  to  think  it  is  a 
possibility." — George  D,  Knights,  English  Master,  The  Hamilton 

School,  Philadelphia. 

"  Of  all  the  numerous  editions  which  have  been  recently  published, 
I  consider  yours  the  best  that  I  have  seen." 

— Elmer  James  Bailey,  State  Normal  School,  New  Paltz,  N.  Y. 

"  The  series  is  a  credit  to  American  scholarship." 
— Martin  W.  Sampson,  Professor  of  English,  University  of  Indiana. 

"  As  a  series  the  books  have  two  strong  points  :  there  is  a  unity  of 
method  in  editing  that  I  have  seen  in  no  other  series  ;  the  books  are  freer 
from  objections  in  regard  to  the  amount  and  kind  of  editing  than  amy 
other  series  I  know." 

— Byron  Groce,  Master  in  English,  Boston  Latin  School. 

"  With  their  clear  type,  good  paper,  sober  and  attractive  binding — 
good  enough  for  any  library  shelves — with  their  introductions,  sug- 
gestions to  teachers,  and  notes,  I  do  not  see  how  much  more  could  be 
desired." — Prof.  D.  L.  Maulsby,  Tufts  College. 

"  Admirably  adapted  to  accomplish  what  you  intend — to  interest 
young  persons  in  thoughtful  reading  of  noble  literature.  The  help 
given  seems  just  what  is  needed  ;  its  generosity  is  not  of  the  sort  to 
make  the  young  student  unable  to  help  himself.  I  am  greatly  pleased 
with  the  plan  and  with  its  execution." — Prof.  C.  B.  Bradley,  Univer- 
sity of  California  ;  Member  of  English  Conference  of  the  National 
Committee  of  Ten. 

"The  series  is  admirably  planned,  the  'Suggestions  to  Teachers' 
being  a  peculiarly  valuable  feature. 

— Prof.  Katherine  Lee  Bates,  Wellesley  College. 

"  The  introductions,  the  suggestions  to  teachers,  the  chronological 
tables,  and  the  notes  are  most  admirable  in  design  and  execution.  The 
editor-in-chief  and  his  associates  have  rendered  a  distinct  service  to 
secondary  schools." — Charles  C.  Ramsay,  Principal  of  Durfee  High 

School,  Fall  River,  Mass. 

"  It  is  the  most  attractive,  most  consistent,  most  practicable,  and 
at  the  same  time  most  scholarly  series  for  college  preparation,  yet 
produced." — Principal  George  H.  Browne,  Cambridge  Mass. 


LONGMANS'  ENGLISH  CLASSICS 


Cooper's  'Last  of  the  Mohicans.' 

' '  We  have  adopted  the  '  Last  of  the  Mohicans '  in  one  of  our 
classes  and  find  it  an  admirable  edition  in  every  particular." 

— T.  E.  Lyon,  The  Barnard  School,  N.  Y. 

"  It  is  of  the  same  high  grade  as  the  others  of  your  '  English  Classic 
Series '  which  we  have  introduced.    We  shall  continue  to  use  your  books 
next  year,  in  those  classes  preparing  for  the  '98  and  '99  examinations." 
•  — David  Allen  Center,  Woodbridge  School,  N.  Y,  City. 

Tennyson's  'Princess.' 

"  I  am  delighted  with  the  '  Introduction  '  and  '  Suggestions.'  It  is 
so  comfortable  to  find  an  editor  who  does  not  ask  us  to  spoil  the  delicate 
beauty  of  the  poem  by  extreme  analysis." 

— Miss  Eliza  F.  Hammond,  Leicester  Academy,  Leicester,  Mass. 

' '  The  work  maintains  the  high  standard  already  attained  throughout 

the  entire  series  of  '  English  Classics.'     These  volumes  have  been  used 

in  Harvard  School  with  excellent  results,  and  I  can  assure  the  publishers 

that  the  English  masters  of  the  school  heartily  recommend  the  edition." 

— Frank  Poole  Johnson,  Harvard  School,  N.  Y. 

'  Macbeth.' 

"The  editing  of  Macbeth  is  what  one  would  expect  from  Prof. 
Manly,  scholarly  and  literary.  .  .  .  Perhaps  the  most  pleasing  section 
of  that  portion  of  the  book  is  concerned  with  '  sign-board  criticism.'  I 
think  you  are  to  be  thanked  as  well  as  congratulated  for  the  excellence 
of  the  series  to  which  these  books  belong." 

— Prof.  Elmer  Wentworth,  Vassar  College,  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. 

"Any  pupil  must  become  interested  in  the  great  dramatist  who  has 
such  a  pleasing  text  as  is  presented  in  your  publication." 

— Miss  M.  F.  Rice,  Robinson  Seminary,  Exeter,  N.  H. 

"  With  accurate  scholarship  Dr.  Manly  seems  to  me  to  combine 
extraordinary  good  sense  in  his  treatment  of  Shakspere.  I  will  intro- 
duce the  volume  to  my  colleagues  and  friends,  as  it  seems  to  me  the  best 
guide  to  '  Macbeth,'  " 

— Prof.  W.  H.  Carruth,  University  of  Kansas,  Lawrence,  Kan. 

"  I  think  it  is  the  best  edition  I  have  ever  seen — certainly  the  best 
text-book.  The  '  Suggestions  to  Teachers '  are  admirable,  and  the  notes 
are  so  full  and  clear  as  to  enable  the  student  to  understand  the  subject 
thoroughly;  and  hence  they  excite  interest  and  encourage  him  to  the  study 
of  classic  literature." 

— J.  T.  Murfee,  Marion  Military  Inst.,  Marion.  Ala. 


LONGMANS'  ENGLISH  CLASSICS  ii 

Scott's  'Marmion.' 

"  I  decided  upon  your  Scott's  '  Marmion '  and  Burke's  '  Speech '  for 
class  use,  as  they  are  unquestionably  the  best  editions  of  the  series  that 
I  have  seen." — Ezra  Lehman,  Cumberland  Valley  Normal  School,  Ship- 

pensburg,  Pa. 

"  The  notes  .  .  .  sensible  and  pertinent,  not  leading  the  young 
student  into  labyrinths  of  learned  analysis,  comparisons  and  quotations, 
but  proving,  as  notes  should  be,  a  real  aid,  and  not,  as  is  too  often  the 
case  with  annotations  of  to-day,  a  cause  for  further  perplexity." 

— J.  A.  Shaw,  The  Highland  Military  Academy,  Worcester,  Mass. 

'Burke's  Speech.' 

"The  editorial  work  is  worthy  of  the  masterpiece  of  one  of  the 
greatest  orators  of  all  time.  The  introduction  prepares  the  way  by  a 
most  lucid  statement  of  the  history  necessary  to  comprehend  the  points 
covered  in  this  great  oration.  The  clearness,  the  accuracy  and  fulness 
of  the  introductory  investigations  are  followed  by  the  oration  itself, 
arranged  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  the  mastery  of  its  arguments  easy, 
and  their  retention  in  the  memory  permanent.  The  notes,  both  explan- 
atory of  the  allusions  in  the  speech,  and  illustrative  of  its  wonderful 
oratorical  richness,  give  a  unique  value  to  this  edition,  and  must  greatly 
enhance  the  editor's  reputation  in  a  comparatively  new  field." 
— Jacob  Cooper,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Professor  in  Rutgers  College. 

"  We  are  now  using  your  Burke's  '  Conciliation  with  America '  with 
very  great  satisfaction." 

— Byron  Groce,  Public  Latin  School,  Boston,  Mass. 

Carlyle's  '  Burns.' 

"  Permit  me  to  express  the  pleasure  I  have  found  in  reading  your 
Farrand's  edition  of  Carlyle's  'Burns.'  It  is  a  remarkable  example  of 
editing,  exactly  adapted  to  its  purpose." 

—Robert  H.  Nichols,  Ph.D.,  The  Hill  School,  Pottstown,  Pa. 

' '  Enough  is  given  to  make  the  study  of  Burns  a  delight  to  the  right- 
minded  pupil,  and  to  open  the  door  for  the  teacher  into  a  new  and 
broader  appreciation  of  the  two  great  Scotchmen." 
— Albert  Edward  Bailey,  A. B., Worcester  Academy, Worcester,Mass. 

"  It  seems  to  me  the  edition  of  Carlyle's  '  Burns,'  edited  by  Mr. 
Farrand,  is  the  best  for  school  use.  I  am  particularly  pleased  with  the 
specimen  topics  for  written  exercises  and  examination  papers." 

— Helen  Marshall,  Norwich  Female  Academy,  Norwich,  Conn. 

"It  pleases  me  decidedly  better  than  any  other  edition  that  I  have 
seen.  The  introduction  is  suggestive  and  the  'Notes'  are  what  they 
profess  to  be — '  explanatory.'  " — Caroline  Carpenter,  Lasell  Seminary 

for  Young  Ladies,  Auburndale,  Mass. 


LONGMANS'    ENGLISH  CLASSICS 


iRviNG's  '  Tales  of  a  Traveller.' 

"  I  feel  bound  to  say  that,  if  the  series  of  English  Classics  is 
carried  out  after  the  plan  of  this  initial  volume,  it  will  contribute  much 
toward  making  the  study  of  literature  a  pure  delight." 

— Prof.  A.  G.  Newcomer,  Iceland  Stanford  Jr.  University. 

"  I  have  looked  through  the  first  volume  of  your  English  Classics, 
Irving's  '  Tales  of  a  Traveller,'  and  do  not  see  how  literature  could  be 
made  more  attractive  to  the  secondary  schools." — Prof.  Edward  A. 
Allen,  University  of  Missouri  ;  Member  of  the  English  Conference  of 
the  National  Committee  of  Ten. 

"  I  have  received  your  Irving's  'Tales of  a  Traveller'  and  examined 
it  with  much  pleasure.  The  helpful  suggestions  to  teachers,  the 
judicious  notes,  the  careful  editing,  and  the  substantial  binding  make  it 
the  most  desirable  volume  for  class  use  on  the  subject,  that  has  come  to 
my  notice." — Edwin  Cornell,  Principal  of  Central  Valley  Union 
School.  N.  Y. 

George  Eliot's  '  Silas  Marner.' 

' '  This  book  is  really  attractive  and  inviting.  The  introduction, 
particularly  the  suggestions  to  pupils  and  teachers,  is  a  piece  of  real 
helpfulness  and  wisdom." 

— D.  E.  Bowman,  Principal  of  High  School,  Waterville,  Me. 

"The  edition  of  'Silas  Marner' recently  sent  out  by  you  leaves 
nothing  undone.  I  find  the  book  handsome,  the  notes  sensible  and 
clear.  I'm  glad  to  see  a  book  so  well  adapted  to  High  School  needs, 
and  I  shall  recommend  it,  without  reserve,  as  a  safe  and  clean  book  to 
put  before  our  pupils." 

— James  W.  McLane,  Central  High  School,  Cleveland,  O. 

Scott's  ■  Woodstock.' 

"  Scott's  '  Woodstock,'  edited  by  Professor  Bliss  Perry,  deepens  the 
impression  made  by  the  earlier  numbers  that  this  series,  Longmans' 
English  Classics,  is  one  of  unusual  excellence  in  the  editing,  and  will 
prove  a  valuable  auxiliary  in  the  reform  of  English  teaching  now 
generally  in  progress.  .  .  .  We  have,  in  addition  to  the  unabridged 
text  of  the  novel,  a  careful  editorial  introduction  ;  the  author's  intro- 
duction, preface  and  notes  ;  a  reprint  of  '  The  Just  Devil  of  Woodstock'; 
and  such  foot-notes  as  the  student  will  need  as  he  turns  from  page  to 
page.  Besides  all  this  apparatus,  many  of  the  chapters  have  appended 
a  few  suggestive  hints  for  character-study,  collateral  reading  and  dis- 
cussions of  the  art  of  fiction.  All  this  matter  is  so  skillfully  distributed 
that  it  does  not  weigh  upon  the  conscience,  and  is  not  likely  to  make  tho 


LONGMANS'  ENGLISH  CLASSICS  13 

student  forget  that  he  is,  after  all,  reading  a  novel  chiefly  for  the 
pleasure  it  affords.  The  entire  aim  of  this  volume  and  its  companions 
is  literary  rather  than  historical  or  linguistic,  and  in  this  fact  their  chief 
value  is  to  be  found."  — The  Dial, 

"I  heartily  approve  of  the  manner  in  which  the  editor's  work  has 
been  done.  This  book,  if  properly  used  by  the  teacher  and  supple- 
mented by  the  work  so  clearly  suggested  in  the  notes,  may  be  made  of 
great  value  to  students,  not  only  as  literature  but  as  affording  oppor- 
tunity for  historical  research  and  exercise  in  composition." 

— Lillian  G.  Kimball,  State  Normal  School,  Oshkosh,  Wis. 

Defoe's  'History  of  the  Plague  in  London.* 

"  He  gives  an  interesting  biography  of  Defoe,  an  account  of  his 
works,  a  discussion  of  their  ethical  influence  (including  that  of  this 
•somewhat  sensational'  novel),  some  suggestions  to  teachers  and  students, 
and  a  list  of  references  for  future  study.  This  is  all  valuable  and  sugges- 
tive. The  reader  wishes  that  there  were  more  of  it.  Indeed,  the  criticism 
I  was  about  to  offer  on  this  series  is  perhaps  their  chief  excellence. 
One  wishes  that  the  introductions  were  longer  and  more  exhaustive. 
For,  contrary  to  custom,  as  expressed  in  Gratiano's  query,  '  Who  riseth 
from  a  feast  with  that  keen  appetite  that  he  sits  down  ? '  the  young 
student  will  doubtless  finish  these  introductions  hungering  for  more. 
And  this,  perhaps,  was  the  editor's  object  in  view,  viz.,  that  the  intro- 
ductory and  explanatory  matter  should  be  suggestive  and  stimulating 
rather  than  complete  and  exhaustive  !  " — Educational  Review. 

"  I  have  taken  great  pleasure  in  examining  your  edition  of  Defoe's 
'Plague  in  London.'  The  introduction  and  notes  are  beyond  reproach, 
and  the  binding  and  typography  are  ideal.  The  American  school-boy 
is  to  be  congratulated  that  he  at  length  may  study  his  English  from 
books  in  so  attractive  a  dress." — George  N.  McKnight,  Instructor  in 
English,  Cornell  University. 

"  I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  the  copy  of  the  'Journal  of  the 
Plagfue.'  I  am  particularly  pleased  with  Professor  Carpenter's  intro- 
duction and  his  handling  of  the  difficult  points  in  Defoe's  life." — Ham- 
mond Lamont,  A.B.,  Associate  Professor  of  Composition  and  Rhetoric 
in  Brown  University. 

Macaulay's  '  Essay  on  Milton.' 

"  I  have  examined  the  Milton  and  am  much  pleased  with  it ;  it  fully 
sustains  the  high  standard  of  the  other  works  of  this  series  ;  the  intro- 
duction, the  suggestions  to  teachers,  and  the  notes  are  admirable." 

— William  Nichols,  The  Nichols  School,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 


14  LONGMANS'  ENGLISH  CLASSICS 

"  I  have  never  seen  notes  on  a  text  that  were  more  admirable  than 
these.  They  contain  just  the  information  proper  to  impart,  and  are 
unusually  well  expressed." 

— Charles  C.  Ramsay,  Principal  of  Fall  River  High  School. 

Coleridge's  '  Ancient  Mariner.' 

"It  is  the  best  edition  of  the  poem  that  I  know  of.  The  editor 
points  out  precisely  the  things  that  a  class  should  observe;  the  questions 
are  searching  and  suggestive;  the  notes  lucid  and  literary." — Professor 
Martin  W.  Sampson,  University  of  Indiana,  Bloomington,  Ind. 

"  If  your  series  of  English  Classics  is  to  be  judged  by  this  volume, 
I  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it  superior  to  any  other  with  which  I  am 
familiar.  Mr.  Bates'  edition  is  the  best  annotation  of  the  '  Ancient 
Mariner  '  I  have  yet  seen." 

— L.  L.  Rice,  Cumberland  University,  Lebanon,  Tenn. 

"  I  am  especially  pleased  with  the  brevity,  pointedness  and  suggest- 
iveness  of  the  notes." 

— William  J.  Harrington,  S.J.,  Detroit  College,  Detroit,  Mich. 

"  Does  more  than  any  school  edition  we  know,  to  help  the  young 
student  to  an  appreciation  of  the  poem." — -J our  rial  of  Pedagogy, 

Milton's  '  L'Allegro,  II  Penseroso,'  etc. 

"  Professor  Trent's  sympathetic  treatment  on  the  literary  side  of 
the  subject  matter,  makes  the  introductions  and  notes  of  more  than  usual 
interest  and  profit;  and  I  think  that  it  is  just  such  editing  as  this  that 
our  younger  students  need  in  approaching  the  works  of  the  great  poets." 

— J.  Russell  Hayes,  Assistant  Professor  of  English,  Swarthmore 

College,  Pa. 

"  I  have  given  this  book  a  thorough  class-room  test  and  am  much 
pleased  with  it.  I  would  lay  stress  upon  the  fact  that  it  gives  the 
student  accurate  and  judicious  aid." 

— Principal  W.  D.  MooNEY,  Franklin,  Tenn. 

Shakspere's  '  Merchant  of  Venice.' 

"  The  book  .  .  .  is  a  model  of  thorough  scholarship." — Principal 
Margaret  J.  Evans,  Carleton  College,  Northfield,  Minn. 

"  Its  superior  point  of  excellence  is,  that  it  insists,  in  all  proper 
places,  upon  finding  out  what  the  poet  meant  to  say  rather  than  what,  in 
a  hidden  way,  he  intended  to  darkly  hint.  I  know  of  no  other  edition 
that  brings  out  this  valuable  'point'  so  well." — Professor  Enoch 
Perrine,  A.m.,  Litt.  D.,  Bucknell  University,  Lewisburg,  Pa. 


LONGMANS'  ENGLISH  CLASSICS 


Shakspere's  '  As  You  Like  It.' 

"  Professor  Wendell's  Introduction  is  written  in  a  charming  and 

interesting  style  and   is  marked  by  discriminating  judgment  and  the 

presentation  of  just  the  facts  needed  for  an  intelligent  study  of  the  play. 

The  same  good  sense  also  marks  Professor  Phelps'  notes  and  comments." 

— B.  M.  C.  DuRFEE,  High  School,  Fall  River,  Mass. 

Webster's  '  Bunker  Hill  Oration.' 

"  The  introduction  is  very  good,  and  the  criticism  of  Webster's  style 
is  excellent." — Boston  Pilot, 

"  We  have  seen  no  better  school  edition  of  this  work,  which  is  now 
included  in  the  preparatory  reading  required  by  all  the  leading  colleges 
of  the  country." — The  Critic,  New  York. 

Macaulay's  '  Life  of  Samuel  Johnson.' 

"  A  remarkable  school  edition.  I  have  seen  nothing  more  satisfac- 
tory in  the  editing  of  any  classic." 

— John  C.  Grant,  The  Harvard  School,  Chicago. 

"  Of  all  the  numerous  editions  which  have  been  recently  published 
I  consider  yours  the  best  that  I  have  seen.  The  entire  make-up  is 
unusually  good,  while  the  price  is  noticeably  cheap." — Prof.  Elmer 
James  Bailey,  State  Normal  School,  New  Paltz,  N.  Y. 

Milton's  '  Paradise  Lost,' 

"  Allow  me  to  say  that  Mr.  Hale's  essay  is  a  creditable  addition  to 
the  immense  bulk  now  existing  of  writing  on  Miltonic  themes." 

— Samuel  Thurber,  Master  in  Girls'  High  School,  Boston,  Mass. 

De  Quincey's  •  Revolt  of  a  Tartar  Tribe.' 

"  I  have  gone  over  the  Introduction  and  notes  with  great  care  and 
with  yet  greater  pleasure.  Dr.  Baldwin  shows  the  greatest  felicity  in 
the  selection  of  matter  and  the  deft  expression  of  salient  points  in 
De  Quincey's  strange  life  and  character." — M.  H.  Turk,  Professor  of 
English,  Hobart  College,  Geneva,  N.  Y. 


"  The  Suggestions  for  Teachers  are  likely  to  be  of  great  value,  not 
only  because  many  teachers  need  assistance  in  such  work,  but  also 
because  they  must  tend  to  introduce  the  uniformity  of  method  that  is 
hardly  less  valuable  than  the  uniformity  of  the  courses  themselves." 

—  The  Educational  Review,  February,  1896. 


1 6  LONGMANS'   ENGLISH  CLASSICS 

It  has  been  the  aim  of  the  publishers  to  secure  editors 
of  high  reputation  for  scholarship,  experience,  and  skill, 
and  to  provide  a  series  thoroughly  adapted,  by  uniformity 
of  plan  and  thoroughness  of  execution,  to  present  educa- 
tional needs.  The  chief  distinguishing  features  of  the 
series  are  the  following: 

1.  Each  volume  contains  full  "Suggestions  for  Teach- 
ers and  Students,"  with  bibliographies,  and,  in  many  cases, 
lists  of  topics  recommended  for  further  reading  or  study, 
subjects  for  themes  and  compositions,  specimen  examina- 
tion papers,  etc.  It  is  therefore  hoped  that  the  series  will 
contribute  largely  to  the  working  out  of  sound  methods 
in  teaching  English. 

2.  The  works  prescribed  for  reading  are  treated,  in 
every  case,  as  literature,  not  as  texts  for  narrow  linguistic 
study,  and  edited  with  a  view  to  interesting  the  student  in 
the  book  in  question  both  in  itself  and  as  representative  of 
a  literary  type  or  of  a  period  of  literature,  and  of  leading 
him  on  to  read  other  standard  works  of  the  same  age  or 
kind  understandingly  and  appreciatively. 

3.  These  editions  are  in  every  case  specially  prepared, 
and  they  represent  original  work  of  scholars  and  men  of 
letters  who  are  conversant  with  the  topics  of  which  they 
treat.  Great  care  has  been  taken  to  ensure  accuracy  in 
the  reproduction  of  the  most  authoritative  text  of  each 
author. 

4.  Colleges  and  preparatory  schools  are  both  repre- 
sented in  the  list  of  editors,  and  it  is  intended  that  the 
series  shall  exemplify  the  ripest  methods  of  American 
scholars  for  the  teaching  of  English — the  result  in  some 
cases  of  years  of  actual  experience  in  secondary  school 
work,  and,  in  others,  the  formulation  of  the  experience 
acquired  by  professors  who  observe  carefully  the  needs  of 
students  who  present  themselves  for  admission  to  college. 

5.  The  volumes  are  uniform  in  size  and  style,  are  well 
printed  and  bound,  and  constitute  a  well-edited  set  of 
standard  works,  fit  for  permanent  use  and  possession — a 
nucleus  for  a  library  of  English  literature. 


LONGMANS,  GREEN^  <&•  CO:S  PUBLICATIONS. 

A  STUDENT'S    HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND,  from 
the  Earliest  Times  to  1885. 

By  Samuel  Rawson  Gardiner,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  Fellow  of  All  Souls 
College,  Oxford,  etc.;  Author  of  "The  History  of  England  from  the 
Accession  of  James  I.  to  1642,"  etc.  Illustrated  under  the  superintend- 
(ftfx  of  Mr.  W.  H.  St.  John  Hope,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Society 
Aintiqaaries,  "jnd  ^irith  the  assistance  in  the  choice  of  Portraits  of 
Mr.  George  Schark,  C.B.,  F-S.A.,  who  is  recognized  as  the  highest 
authority  on  the  subject.  In  one  Volume,  with  viZ  Illustrations  and 
full  Index.     Crown  8vo,  cloth,  plain,  $3.00. 

The  bcok  is  also  published  in  three  Volumes  (each  Wur/t  irutex  .^tid 
Table  of  Contents)  as  follows  : 

VOLUME  I.— B.C.  5S-A.D.  1509.    410  pp.    With  173  Illustrations  and  Index. 

Crown  8vo,  $1.20. 
VOLUME  II.— A.D.    1509-1689.      33a  pp.      With  96  Illustrations  and  Index. 

Crown  8vo,  $1.20. 
VOLUME  III.— A.D.  1689-1885.     374  pp.     With  109  Illustrations  and  Index. 

Crown  8vo,  $1.20. 

V Gardiner's  "Student's  History  of  England,"  through  Part  IX.  (to 
1789),  is  recommended  by  HABVABO  UNIVEBSITY  as  indicating  the 
reqoirements  for  admission  in  this  subject ;  and  the  £NIIB£  work  is  mads 
thd  basis  for  English  history  study  in  the  University. 

YALE    UMIVEHSITY. 
"  Gardiner's  '  Student's  History  of  England '  seems  to  me  an   admirable 
short  history.'" — Prot  C.  H.  Smith,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

TRINITY  COLLEGE,  HARTFORD. 

"  It  is,  in  my  opinion,  by  far  the  best  advanced  school  history  of  England 
that  I  have  ever  seen.  It  is  clear,  concise,  and  scientific,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
attractive  and  interesting.  The  illustrations  are  very  good  and  a  valuable 
addition  to  the  book,  as  they  are  not  mere  pretty  pictures,  but  of  real  historical 
and  archaeological  interest." — Prof.  Henry  Ferguson. 

"A  unique  feature  consists  of  the  very  numerous  illustrations.  They 
throw  light  on  almost  every  phase  of  English  life  in  all  ages.  .  .  .  Never, 
perhaps,  in  such  a  treatise  has  pictorial  illustration  been  used  with  so  good 
effect  The  alert  teacher  will  find  here  ample  material  for  useful  lessons  by 
leading  the  pupil  to  draw  the  proper  inferences  and  make  the  proper  interpre- 
tations and  comparisons.  .  .  .  The  style  is  compact,  vigorous,  and  inter- 
esting. There  is  no  lack  of  precision  ;  and,  in  the  selection  of  the  details,  the 
hand  of  the  scholar  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  source  and  with  the  results 
of  recent  criticism  is  plainly  revealed." — The  Nation,  N.  Y. 

" .  .  .  It  is  illustrated  by  pictures  of  real  value ;  and  when  accompanied 
by  the  companion  '  Atlas  of  English  History'  is  all  that  need  be  desired  for  its 
special  purpose." — 7Ae  Churchman,  N.  Y. 

%*^  prospectus  and  specimen  pages  of  Gardiner''s  "  Studenfs  History 
of  England"   will  be  sent  free  on  application  to  the  publishers. 


LONGMANS,  GREEN,  ft  CO.,  91  and  93  Fifth  Ave,,  New  York. 


LONGMANS,   GREEN,  6*  CO.'S  PUBLICATIONS. 

ENGLISH   HISTORY   FOR   AMERICANS. 

By  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson,  Author  of  "Young  Folks'  His- 
tory of  the  United  States,"  etc,  and  Edward  Channing,  Assistant 
Professor  of  History  in  Harvard  University.  With  77  Illustrations,  6 
Colored  Maps,  Bibliography,  a  Chronological  Table  of  Contents,  and 
Index.     i2mo.     Pp.  xxxii-334.     Teachers'  price,  $1.20. 

The  name  "  English  History  for  Americans,"  which  suggests  the  key-note  o< 
Ihis  book,  is  based  on  the  simple  fact  that  it  is  not  the  practice  of  American 
readers,  old  or  young,  to  give  to  English  history  more  than  a  limited  portion  of 
their  hours  of  study.  ...  It  seems  clear  that  such  readers  will  use  their 
time  to  the  best  advantage  if  they  devote  it  mainly  to  those  events  in  English 
annals  which  have  had  the  most  direct  influence  on  the  history  and  institutions 
of  their  own  land.  .  .  .  The  authors  of  this  book  have  therefore  boldly 
ventured  to  modify  in  their  narrative  the  accustomed  scale  of  propwrtion ;  while 
it  has  been  their  wish,  in  the  treatment  of  every  detail,  to  accept  the  best  re- 
sult of  modem  English  investigation,  and  especially  to  avoid  all  unfair  or 
one-sided  judgments.    .    .    .    Extracts  from  Author's  Preface. 

DR.  W.  T.  HARRIS,  U.  S.  COMMISSIONER  OF  EDUCATION. 
"  I  take  great  pleasure  in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  book,  and  be- 
lieve it  to  be  the  best  introduction  to  English  history  hitherto  made  for  the  use 
of  schools.  It  is  just  what  is  needed  in  the  school  and  in  the  family.  It  is  the 
first  history  of  England  that  I  have  seen  which  gives  proper  attention  to  socio- 
logy and  the  evolution  of  political  ideas,  without  neglecting  what  is  picturesque 
and  interesting  to  the  popular  taste.  1  he  device  of  placing  the  four  historic^ 
maps  at  the  beginning  and  end  deserves  special  mention  for  its  convenience. 
Allow  me  to  congratulate  you  on  the  publication  of  so  excellent  a  text-book." 

ROXBUST  LATIN  SCHOOL. 

".  .  .  The  most  noticeable  and  commendable  feature  in  the  book  seems 
to  be  its  Unity.  ...  I  felt  the  same  reluctance  to  lay  the  volume  down 
.  .  .  that  one  experiences  in  reading  a  great  play  or  a  well-constructed 
novel.  Several  things  besides  the  unity  conspire  thus  seductively  to  lead  the 
reader  on.  The  page  is  open  and  attractive,  the  chapters  are  short,  the  type 
is  large  and  clear,  the  pictures  are  well  chosen  and  significant,  a  surprising 
number  of  anecdotes  told  in  a  crisp  and  masterful  manner  throw  valuable  side- 
lights on  the  main  narrative  ;  the  philosophy  of  history  is  undeniably  there,  but 
sugar-coated,  and  the  graceful  style  would  do  credit  to  a  Macaulay.  I  shall 
immediately  recommend  it  for  use  in  our  school." — DR.  D.  O.  S.  LowELL. 

LAWRENCBVILLE  SCHOOL. 
"In  answer  to  your  note  of  February  23d  I  beg  to  say  that  we  have  intro- 
duced your  Higginson's  English  History  into  our  graduating  class  and  are 
much  pleased  with  it  Therefore  whatever  endorsement  I,  as  a  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Ten,  could  give  the  book  has  already  been  given  by  my  action 
in  placing  it  in  our  classes." — James  C.  Mackenzie,  Lawrenceville,  N.  J. 

ANN   arbor   HIGH   SCHOOL. 

"  It  seems  to  me  the  book  will  do  for  English  history  in  this  country  what 
the  '  Young  Folks'  History  of  the  United  States '  has  done  for  the  history  of  our 
own  country — and  I  consider  this  high  praise." 

— T.  G.  Pattengill,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich. 


LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO.,  91-93  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 


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